[en] This paper aims to shed new light on the transmission and interpretation of enigmatic texts during the New Kingdom. It offers a fresh analysis of two previously-published ostraca, O. Cairo CG 25359 and O. Turin CGT 57440, which have so far been neglected by the Egyptological community. We show that O. Cairo CG 25359 contains a copy of captions from an Enigmatic Netherworld Book of the Solar-Osirian Unity (the only other attestation of which is found on the second shrine of Tutankhamun), and we demonstrate that the hieratic funerary composition on the verso of the Turin ostracon is in fact a ‘clear-text’ version of the enigmatic text written in cursive hieroglyphs on the recto. Based on material and philological clues, we argue that the hieratic text is a ‘decipherment’ of the enigmatic text. Finally, we suggest that this composition may have been a harper’s song originally inscribed in the tomb-chapel of the scribe Amennakhte (v), son of Ipuy.
Centre/Unité de recherche :
Mondes anciens - ULiège
Disciplines :
Etudes classiques & orientales
Auteur, co-auteur :
Polis, Stéphane ; Université de Liège - ULiège > Département des sciences de l'antiquité > Egyptologie
Seyr, Philipp ; Université de Liège - ULiège > Département des sciences de l'antiquité > Egyptologie
Langue du document :
Anglais
Titre :
Enigmatic Texts from Deir el-Medina. On the Transmission and Decipherment of ‘Cryptographic’ Compositions in the Community of Workmen
See the historical overview in D. Meeks, “L’écriture énigmatique égyptienne est-elle énigmatique ?”, BiOr 78 (2021), col. 552-554.
The use of the term ‘enigmatic’ stretches back to the nineteenth-century ‘pre-Driotonian’ tradition inspired by Clement of Alexandria (Stromata V, 4, § 20.3): Fr. Lauth, “Aenigmatische Schrift”, ZÄS 4 (1866), p. 24-26;
Ch. Goodwin, “On the Enigmatic Writing on the Coffin of Seti I”, ZÄS 11 (1873), p. 138-144;
P. Le Page Renouf, “The Royal Tombs at Bībānel-Molūk and ‘Enigmatical’ Writing”, ZÄS 12 (1874), p. 101-105;
Th. Devéria, “L’écriture secrète dans les textes hiéroglyphiques des anciens Égyptiens”, in G. Maspero (ed.), Mémoires et fragments, II (BiEg 5), 1897, p. 49-80;
K. Sethe, “Die aenigmatischen Inschriften”, in W. G. Northampton – W. Spiegelberg – P. E. Newberry, Report on Some Excavations in the Theban Necropolis during the Winter of 1898-1899, 1908, p. 3*-12* and pl. XI-XII;
H. Grapow, ZÄS 72 (1936), p. 23-29.
See in particular J. C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity: Cryptographic Compositions in the Tombs of Tutankhamun, Ramesses VI and Ramesses IX (OBO 198), 2004;
A. von Lieven, Grundriss des Laufes der Sterne: Das sogenannte Nutbuch (The Carlsberg Papyri 8, CNIP 31/1), 2007;
L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel der Zeichen: Visuelle Poesie im Alten Ägypten (Pictura et Poesis 21), 2008;
J. A. Roberson, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Earth (WSEA 1), 2012;
id., The Awakening of Osiris and the Transit of the Solar Barques: Royal Apotheosis in a Most Concise Book of the Underworld and Sky (OBO 262), 2013;
D. A. Werning, “Aenigmatische Schreibungen in Unterweltsbüchern des Neuen Reiches: gesicherte Entsprechungen und Ersetzungsprinzipien”, in C. Peust (ed.), Miscellanea in honorem Wolfhart Westendorf (GM Bh. 3), 2008, p. 124-152;
id., Das Höhlenbuch: Textkritische Edition und Textgrammatik (GOF IV/48), 2 vol., 2011.
D. Klotz - A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing in the Egyptian New Kingdom I: Revealing, Transforming, and Display in Egyptian Hieroglyphs (ZÄS Bh. 12/1), 2020.
J. A. Roberson, Enigmatic Writing in the Egyptian New Kingdom, II, A Lexicon of Ancient Egyptian Cryptography of the New Kingdom (with contributions by David Klotz) (ZÄS Bh. 12/2), 2020.
Exceptions are L. Morenz, “Visuelle Poesie als eine sakrale Zeichen-Kunst der altägyptischen hohen Kultur”, SAK 32 (2004), p. 313-315;
L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel der Zeichen, p. 108-132;
and A. D. Espinel, “Play and Display in Egyptian High Culture: The Cryptographic Texts of Djehuty (TT 11) and their Sociocultural Context”, in J. Galán – B. Bryan – P. Dorman (eds.), Creativity and Innovation in the Reign of Hatshepsut (SAOC 69), 2014, p. 327-328. Note that academic study of the scribes as social agents is, in any case, a recent development in Egyptology, which largely explains this state of affairs.
See the remarks in St. Polis, in J. Cromwell - E. Grossman (eds.), Scribal Repertoires in Egypt from the New Kingdom to the Early Islamic Period, 2018, p. 78-88.
Illustrative of this point is the absence of any discussion of the enigmatic texts from the four volumes that resulted from the most recent Deir el-Medina conferences: A. Dorn – T. Hofmann (eds.), Living and Writing in Deir el-Medine: Socio-historical Embodiment of Deir el-Medine Texts (AH 19), 2006;
J. Toivari-Viitala – T. Vartiainen – S. Uvanto (eds.), Deir el-Medina Studies: Helsinki, June 24-26, 2009, Proceedings (The Finnish Egyptological Society – Occasional Publications 2), 2014;
A. Dorn – St. Polis (eds.), Outside the Box: Selected Papers from the Conference “Deir el-Medina and the Theban Necropolis in Contact” Liège, 27-29 October 2014 (AegLeod 11), 2018;
S. Töpfer – P. Del Vesco – F. Poole (eds.), Deir el-Medina: Through the Kaleidoscope: Proceedings of the International Workshop, Turin 8th-10th October 2018, 2022.
There is, for instance, no entry on the topic in the excellent handbook by B. G. Davies, Life within the Five Walls: A Handbook to Deir el-Medina, 2018.
One exception, which focuses on the ‘perturbation’ of the order of signs in the Netherworld Books, though not specifically on their enigmatic aspect, is Fl. Mauric-Barbério, “Copie de textes à l’envers dans les tombes royales”, in G. Andreu (ed.), Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois: la vie en Égypte au temps des pharaons du Nouvel Empire. Actes du colloque organisé par le Musée du Louvre, les 3 et 4 mai 2002, 2003, p. 173-194.
On these different types of enigmatic writing, see É. Drioton, “La cryptographie égyptienne”, CdE 9/18 (1934), p. 192-206;
H. Brunner, “Änigmatische Schrift (Kryptographie)”, in H. Kees (ed.), Ägyptologie: Ägyptische Schrift und Sprache (HdO I.1.1), 1959, p. 52-58;
J. C. Darnell, “Ancient Egyptian Cryptography: Graphic Hermeneutics”, in D. Klotz – A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 10-11.
The overview presented here is based exclusively on published documents and is not exhaustive. A systematic investigation of all our surviving materials (including graffiti, tomb inscriptions, etc.) would reveal many more cases of enigmatic writing, while the summary below also excludes the enigmatic writing practices instantiated in the royal tombs themselves.
The interplay of visual and linguistic dimensions is key to each of the different types of enigmatic writing; see in particular L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 105 & passim, and A. Stauder, “The Visual Otherness of the Enigmatic Text in Some Netherworld Books of the New Kingdom”, in D. Klotz – A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 249-265.
On the dynamic relationship between image and writing in ancient Egypt in general, see P. Vernus, “De l’image au signe d’écriture, du signe d’écriture à l’image, de l’image au signe d’écriture: la ronde sémiotique de la civilisation pharaonique”, Actes sémiotiques 119 (2016), p. 1-19.
The identities of the ancient individuals referred to in this contribution are based on B. G. Davies, Who’s Who at Deir el-Medina: A Prosopographic Study of the Royal Workmen’s Community (EgUit 13), 1999.
Cf. B. Bruyère, Tombes thébaines de Deir el-Médineh à décoration monochrome (MIFAO 86), 1952, p. 22-56 and pl. I-XII. A complete publication of this funerary complex is being prepared by Anne-Claire Salmas. See K. Gabler - A.-Cl. Salmas, dans S. Töpfer - P. Del Vesco - F. Poole (eds.), Deir el-Medina: Through the Kaleidoscope: Proceedings of the International Workshop, Turin 8th-10th October 2018, 2022, p. 120-125.
With respect to the pastiche of this scene in the IFAO house at Deir el-Medina, see A.-Cl. Salmas, BIFAO 118 (2018), p. 410-435;
N. Cherpion, EA&O 100 (2020-2021), p. 77-82.
Several other iconic and mythological links are instantiated in the tomb, though these cannot be discussed here; see B. Bruyère, Tombes thébaines, p. 39-40: “S’il était besoin d’identifier le latès représenté ici, on trouverait cette identification dans la scène suivante qui complète et éclaire la scène XII. (…) Le dieu Kheper-Rê hiéracocéphale et Osiris Khentamenti (…) se tiennent accroupis et mumiformes l’un devant l’autre (….). Vis-à-vis des deux dieux est écrit en gros caractères le nom du nome latopolite composé de deux poissons superposés au-dessus du signe des nomes et des signes de la ville. C’est dire clairement que la forme syncrétisée Osiris-Rê est la divinité éponyme d’Esneh”.
Principle no. #7a in D. A. Werning, “Semiotic Aspects of Alienated and Cryptographic Encodings in the Netherworld Books of the New Kingdom”, in D. Klotz - A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 207-208.
J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 111.
See the discussion in L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 86.
For the non-enigmatic (i.e., metaphoric) interpretation of this sign, based on BD spell 88, see S. Martinak, Bedeutung und Rolle des Motivs: Anubis als Balsamierer in den thebanischen Privatgräbern des Neuen Reiches, 2018 (unpublished MA thesis), p. 72-73.
About the sš-kd Hormin (i) and his written production, see recently H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, in S. Gerhards et al. (eds.), Schöne Denkmäler sind entstanden. Studien zu Ehren von Ursula Verhoeven, 2023, p. 61-101.
N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy (TT 359) à Deir el-Medina (MIFAO 128), 2010, vol. 1, p. 111-114; vol. 2, p. 51 (fig. 78), p. 65, fig. 98-99.
Note that the Ished-tree in this composition grows out of the slaughtered Apophis, just as the sun rises from the horizon in the general shape of the Akhet-sign . This is a clear reference to the solar dimension of the Ished-tree of Heliopolis that grew on top of the J.t-wd ‘Mound of Beheading’ (on this place, see J.-P. Corteggiani, BIFAO 95 [1995], p. 141-151; on the general interpretation of this scene, see V. Angenot, in M. Weemans - D. Gamboni - J.-H. Martin [eds.], Voir double, pièges et révélations du visible, 2016, p. 134-136).
Cf. the early copy made by Sir J. G. Wilkinson in 1849 (N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 112).
E.g., J.-P. Corteggiani, BIFAO 95 (1995), p. 147.
On the association between the donkey and the sun in the context of Deir el-Medina, see D. Meeks, EA&O 25 (2002), p. 46;
L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 171-172.
Following V. Angenot, “Rébus, calembours et images subliminales dans l’iconographie égyptienne”, in Cl.-A. Brisset – Fl. Dumora-Mabille – M. Simon-Oikawa (eds.), Rébus d’ici et d’ailleurs: écriture, image, signe; colloque international, 2‐4 mai 2012, Université Paris Diderot, 2018, p. 93-95.
The drawing on the same wall of a scarab with forelegs shaped like ibex-horns is different in nature; it does not call for linguistic decoding. On this case of a ‘surcharge symbolique’, see the discussion in Chr. Cannuyer, in Chr. Cannuyer et al. (eds), L’animal dans les civilisations orientales / Animals in the Oriental Civilizations, 2001, p. 45-52; id., GM 184 (2001), p. 81-84;
N. Cherpion – J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 95-96; II, p. 57, fig. 84.
The enigmatic dimension of this stela was first recognized by B. Bruyère, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el-Médineh (1935-1940). Fascicule II: Trouvailles d’objets (FIFAO 20/2), 1952, p. 50, 99, pl. XLII.
See the recent publication in J. M. Galán – G. Menéndez, Deir el-Medina stelae and other inscribed objects (CGC), 2018, p. 80-81, pl. XXV.
For a discussion, see L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 87-88. A similar representation from Deir el-Medina is found on lintel Cairo CG 35017 (= JE 43690;
see B. Bruyère, Rapport (1935-1940), II, p. 12, fig. 83). Another enigmatic representation which is not yet properly understood is found in the tomb of Néferrenpet (TT 336), see B. Bruyère, Tombes thébaines, frontispice.
Compare with B. Bruyère, Rapport (1935-1940), II, p. 88, fig. 163.
On this notion, see P. Vernus, Actes sémiotiques 119 (2016), p. 3 and passim.
See B. Bruyère, Rapport (1935-1940), II, p. 99.
This interpretation was proposed by L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 88. On this reading of the solar boat, see already É. Drioton, BSFE 19 (1955), p. 5 [63];
E. Hornung – E. Staehelin, Skarabäen und andere Siegelamulette aus Basler Sammlungen (ÄDS 1), 1976, p. 174.
É. Drioton (“La valeur cryptographique du signe représentant la barque solaire avec le disque”, RdE 12 [1960], p. 89-90) has noted other examples where the solar boat possesses the value Jmn and not Jmn-R', which would obviously be suitable here as well.
A good parallel to this boat (though without the royal name within the sun disk) is the stelophorous statue of Ramose (i) (Cairo JE 72000, now in the Suez Museum; see B. Bruyère, Rapport (1935-1940), II, p. 56-57, pl. XXXV;
D. Valbelle, “Le khénou de Ramsès II”, in B. J. J. Haring – O. E. Kaper – R. Van Walsem [eds.], The Workman’s Progress: Studies in the Village of Deir el-Medina and Other Documents from Western Thebes in Honour of Rob Demarée [EgUit 28], 2014, p. 246-247).
The ostracon was published in J. Černý, Ostraca hiératiques, troisième fascicule (CGC), 1933, p. 55-56, pl. 75* & LXX.
For discussions of the ostracon, see S. Sauneron – J. Yoyotte, RdE 7 (1950), p. 10-11;
L. Morenz, SAK 32 (2004), p. 314-315;
L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 113-115, and H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, Grundzüge einer Geschichte des Hieratischen, II (Einführungen und Quellentexte zur Ägyptologie 14/2), 2021, p. 374-376.
Two other ‘ostraca’ with ‘royal titularies’ in enigmatic writing have been published by É. Drioton (ASAE 40 [1940], p. 377-387).
These differ substantially from the ostracon discussed here: their texts are incised. Their interpretation by Drioton is problematic in many ways. They probably date to much later times, too. As such, they are best interpreted as trial pieces or ‘aides-mémoires’ (see L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 107;
D. Klotz, in D. Klotz – A. Stauder [eds.], Enigmatic Writing, p. 53-54).
On the early career of Ramose (i), see J. Černý, A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside Period (BdE 50), 2004, p. 317-320;
B. G. Davies, Who’s Who, p. 79-83;
B. G. Davies, Life within the Five Walls, p. 260-263.
The construction is most likely wḥm + INF. ‘to do something again’, which is well attested in the administrative sources from the village (for wḥm (r)dj.t specifically, see, for instance, O. DeM 931, 1-3;
O. Glasgow D.1925.66, ro 13-16;
O. Glasgow D.1925.71, vo 4-6; O. UC 39645, ro 1-6). An interpretation of the form as an (emphatic) perfective passive (wḥm dj.twf) is possible, but unlikely in this context.
The introductory lexeme whm is generally left untranslated by commentators (e.g., J. Černý, A Community of Workmen, p. 317; B. G. Davies, Who’s Who, p. 79, n. 33). H.-W. Fischer-Elfert (Grundzüge, II, p. 375) made the ingenious suggestion to read the first two quadrats as t.twf with the meaning “er wird aufgezogen (zum Schreiber)”. However, this reading suffers from a lack of palaeographical and orthographical parallels: does not normally feature the cross on top of the leg in Ramesside hieratic, unlike, for which it is a characteristic feature; the construction ti.t “to mind (a child)” (Wb. I, 23, 9) with DIRECT OBJECT + r STATUS is not attested (as far as we know). We suggest that Ramose’s appointment as scribe was confirmed on several occasions in year 5 of Ramses II, which would justify the use of whm, including during a visit to the Valley of the Kings (here) and to the Valley of the Queens (Theb. Gr. 1140, probably written 10 days after O. Cairo CG 25671; see J. Černý, Graffiti hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques de la nécropole thébaine: nos 1060 à 1405 (= DFIFAO 9), 1956, p. 6 & pl. 13).
The signs that are visible above the first line have been interpreted by J. Černý (Ostraca hiératiques, p. 55) as ‘un essai de plume’. This claim is somewhat problematic, though it cannot be properly assessed without access to the original document.
See already S. Sauneron - J. Yoyotte, RdE 7 (1950), p. 10-11.
For the value h of the sundisk in h-h.w (l. 1), see ibid., p. 11, n. 3.
As suggested by L. Morenz, SAK 32 (2004), p. 314; L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 113.
L. Morenz, SAK 32 (2004), p. 315.
L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 114 & 116.
H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, Grundzüge, II, p. 376.
See the foundational study by É. Drioton, ASAE 40 (1940), p. 305-429.
Famous examples are the names of Ramses VI in KV 9 (KRI VI, 328, 3-4;
see D. A. Werning, “L’écriture énigmatique: distanciée, cryptée, sportive”, in St. Polis (ed.), Guide des écritures de l’Égypte ancienne [GIFAO 2], 2022, p. 203-204).
A. Pries, “έμψυχα ίερογλυφικά I: Eine Annäherung an Wesen und Wirkmacht ägyptischer Hieroglyphen nach dem indigenen Zeugnis”, in S. L. Lippert - M. Schentuleit - M. A. Stadler (eds.), Sapientia Felicitas: Festschrift für Günter Vittmann zum 29. Februar 2016 (CENiM 14), 2016, p. 469-470; D. Klotz, in D. Klotz - A. Stauder [eds.], Enigmatic Writing, p. 49-99.
Editio princeps in É. Drioton, “Cryptogrammes de la reine Nefertari”, ASAE 39 (1939), p. 133-144.
B. Bruyère, Rapport (1935-1940), II, p. 35, 82-83 & pl. XLII;
J. M. Galán – G. Menéndez, Deir el-Medina Stelae and Other Inscribed Objects, p. 168-171 and pl. L.
On this building, see D. Valbelle, in B. J. J. Haring – O. E. Kaper – R. Van Walsem (eds.), The Workman’s Progress, p. 237-254.
On the special relationship between the aforementioned scribe Ramose (i) and the ḫnw of Ramses II, see K. Exell, in R. J. Dann (ed.), Current Research in Egyptology 2004: Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Symposium which Took Place at the University of Durham January 2004, 2006, p. 51-67; ead., Soldiers, Sailors and Sandalmakers: A Social Reading of Ramesside Period Votive Stelae (GHP Egyptology 10), 2009, p. 73-74.
See M. Étienne-Fart, “‘De rebus quae geruntur…’ dans deux inscriptions ramessides”, BIFAO 94 (1994), p. 139-142;
L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 222-224;
F. Taterka, “Les mystères des hiéroglyphes – la cryptographie égyptienne sous le Nouvel Empire”, Annales de l’Académie polonaise des sciences 14 (2012), p. 443-444; id., “Ancient Egyptian Royal Cryptography in the Ramesside Period”, in M. Zadka – K. Buczek – P. P. Chruszczewski – A. R. Knapik – J. Mianowski (eds.), Antropologia Komunikacji: Od starożytności do współczesności, 2015, p. 78-80;
D. Klotz, in D. Klotz – A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 54-55.
We follow D. Klotz’ analysis here (see previous fn.). Note that the t in front of the depiction of Mut should most likely be understood as the feminine ending apo koinou for the three elements of the epithet mr.t n.t Mw.t.
On the near-absence of scarabs (on which the type of enigmatic writing known as ‘thematic cryptography’ commonly appears) in the material excavated at Deir el-Medina, see E. Hornung – E. Staehelin, Skarabäen, p. 16-17 and 377. Enigmatic inscriptions on scarabs (and similar small artefacts) are generally an issue (see O. Keel, Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palästina/Israel: Von den Anfängen bis zur Perserzeit: Einleitung [OBO Ser Arch. 10], 1995, p. 177-180;
Cl. Jurman, “Ein Siegelring mit kryptographischer Inschrift in Bonn”, ÄgLev 20 [2010], p. 227-242;
J. Fr. Quack, Altägyptische Amulette und ihre Handhabung [ORA 31], 2022, p. 174).
We focus exclusively on sequences of more than one sign here. Texts from the village are regularly interspersed with isolated signs that are typical of the enigmatic repertoire, which goes to demonstrate the continuum of practices between ‘normal’ and ‘enigmatic’ orthography. See, for example, with the value n in the spelling of the proper name Jn-hr.t-h.w
(N. Cherpion – J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, II, pl. 6 and 8); for m ‘to see”, e.g., in stela Turin N. 50046, l. 2; N. 50050, l. 3 (= M. Tosi – A. Roccati, Stele, p. 80, 280; p. 85, 282), T. Turin N. 22025 (L. Habachi, Tavole d’offerta, are e bacili da libagione: n. 22001-22067 [CMT Serie Seconda – Collezioni II], 1977, p. 30, 133),
cf. Fr. Servajean, Le tombeau de Nakhtamon (TT 335) à Deir al Medina: paléographie (PalHiéro 5), 2011, p. 46-47, § 85;
for Dhwty on stela Turin N. 50046, top (M. Tosi - A. Roccati, Stele, p. 80, 280).
See B. G. Davies, Life within the Five Walls, p. 257-260.
See e.g., M. Bierbrier - R. B. Parkinson, HTBM 12, 1993, p. 15, pl. 42-43; R. Parkinson, Cracking Codes: The Rosetta Stone and Decipherment, 1999, p. 69. Cf. KRI VII, 200, 8.
On the value sh “scribe” for the seated baboon, sacred animal of Thot, the god of the scribes, see H. De Meulenaere,
“Les valeurs du signe à la Basse Époque”, BIFAO 54 (1954), p. 75; D. Klotz - M. Brown, JARCE 52 (2016), p. 283.
S. Demichelis, BIFAO 100 (2000), p. 267-273.
Following L. Morenz, DE 56 (2003), p. 57-68; with E. Meltzer, DE 58 (2004), p. 69 and L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 236-238.
This interpretation of the sequence as Jtm is supported by an enigmatic trigram for Atum attested since the 21st Dynasty: (see M.-L. Ryhiner, RdE 29 [1977], p. 125-137; Y. Koenig, RdE 43 [1992], p. 124-127;
D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken, I, 2007, p. 319, 328 n. 67 A; III, p. 1, Nachtrag zu p. 43f;
A. Wüthrich, Éléments de théologie thébaine: les chapitres supplémentaires du Livre des Morts [SAT 16], 2010, p. 82-83;
D. Klotz, ENiM 3 [2010], p. 72-73; id., ENiM 7 [2014], p. 45 assuming a retrograde reading of the group).
Voir J. Yoyotte, “Jeux d’écriture sur une statuette de la XIXe dynastie”, RdE 10 (1955), p. 81-89.
Another example from the tomb of Anhurkhawy is discussed in R. Pietri - St. Polis, “Altering Writing: Neutralizing and Re-activating the Agency of Animate Signs in Less or Non-figurative Graphic Registers” (in prep.).
We are very grateful to Dr. Marwa Abdel Raziq and to Prof. Khaled Hassan for their help in accessing high quality pictures of this ostracon.
The exterior of the vessel is referred to conventionally here as the ‘recto’ and its interior as the ‘verso’. The red colour of the clay is more vivid on the upper part of the recto, perhaps as a consequence of contact with water or another liquid.
Note, however, that the bulky edge at the left bottom of the recto may be original, as there is a margin of c. 2 cm between the end of text A (cf. § 2.2) and the edge of the potsherd.
G. Daressy, Ostraca (CGC), 1901, p. 92-93.
J. C. Darnell, in D. Klotz - A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 10.
D. A. Werning, “Semiotic Aspects of Alienated and Cryptographic Encodings in the Netherworld Books of the New Kingdom”, in D. Klotz - A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 219-221. Drioton (“La cryptographie de la chapelle de Toutânkhamon”, JEA 35 [1949], p. 117-122) used the label “cryptographie religieuse” for this specific enigmatic norm.
Even though Daressy thought that the texts were ‘probablement rétrogrades’ (G. Daressy, Ostraca, p. 92).
JE 60666 = Carter 237; A. Piankoff, Les chapelles de Tout-ankh-amon (MIFAO 72), 1952, p. 31, pl. IV;
A. Piankoff – N. Rambova, The Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon (BollSer XL.2), 1977, pl. 47;
J. C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 74 and pl. 5C. It is irrelevant to our discussion whether the Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity reflect one large composition, as argued by Darnell, or three different ones (J. Fr. Quack, WdO 35 [2005], p. 38-39).
A. Piankoff, Chapelles de Tout-ankh-amon, p. 30, pl. IV; A. Piankoff - N. Rambova, Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon, pl. 47; J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, pl. 4.C.
For the ductus, compare O. DAN 8 (G. Burkard, Dra' Abu el-Naga II: Hieratische Ostraka und Namenssteine aus Dra' Abu el-Naga [AV 129], 2018, p. 108-110 and pl. 6).
Our translation largely follows J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 74; earlier discussions of this text can be found in A. Piankoff, JEA 35 (1949), p. 114 and E. Hornung, JSSEA 13 (1983), p. 30.
In addition to traditional tools, digital corpora such as the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae (https://aaew.bbaw.de/tla/ and https://thesaurus-linguae-aegyptiae.de) and Ramses Online (http://ramses.ulg.ac.be) have been used to prepare the comments in Sections 2.2 and 3.2.
A. Piankoff, JEA 35 (1949), p. 114; J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 74.
For attestations of this sign in linear hieroglyphs, see e.g. O. Turin CGT 57440 ro, col. 4 (below); H. Milde, The Vignettes in the Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet (EgUit 7), 1991, pl. 31, col. 15; I. Munro, Das Totenbuch des Bak-su (pKM 1970.37/pBrocklehurst) aus der Zeit Amenophis’ II. (HAT 2), 1995, photo pl. 1, col. 19; id., Das Totenbuch des Nacht-Amun aus der Ramessidenzeit (pBerlin P. 3002) (HAT 4), 1997, pl. 3, col. 54.
On the concept of ‘alienating’ spellings, see D. A. Werning, “Semiotic Aspects of Alienated and Cryptographic Encodings”, p. 197-200 and id., “Écriture énigmatique: distanciée, cryptée, sportive”, in St. Polis (ed.), Guide des écritures, 2022, p. 200-203.
Cf. J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 111 & 204.
Compare the examples in A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten im Tal der Könige: Ein Beitrag zur altägyptischen Sozialgeschichte aufgrund von neuem Quellenmaterial aus der Mitte der 20. Dynastie (ca. 1150 v. Chr.) (AH 23), 2011, 3 vol., pl. 150-203.
For these names, see J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 70-74 and the interpretations offered by E. Hornung, JSSEA 13 (1983), p. 30.
One might also think of the figure of w.y in the Amduat of KV 35 (P. Bucher, Les textes des tombes de Thoutmosis III et d’Aménophis II [MIFAO 60], 1932, pl. XXIX).
The cursive shapes of already resemble in the CT (R. O. Faulkner, JEA 67 [1981], p. 173). For cursive hieroglyphic examples that are palaeographically similar to those on the Cairo ostracon, see stela KV 18/5.276 (A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, pl. 224-225 no. 240 vo).
See already A. Grimm, “Zu einer kryptographischen (änigmatischen) Schreibung des Substantivs kkw ‘Finsternis’ im Höhlenbuch (Livre des Quererts)”, GM 32 (1979), p. 23-26. Other explanations include (1) a synecdoche of
(J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 77, following J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 68, n. d and C. W. Goodwin, ZÄS 11 [1873], p. 142) or (2) the application of the consonantal principle to the lexeme k() “panther” (W. Westendorf, GM 40 [1980], p. 57-62), even though this word is a reconstructed lexeme.
At first glance, it seems possible to suggest as a substitute for (J. A. Roberson, op. cit., p. 135). However, the rectangle contains a dot and we suggest reading; this sign would have the value m as result of a shape-based substitution (not yet attested in ibid., p. 178). For the same sign with the value t, see col. x+6.
For the value of the sign, see ibid., p. 52.
If this alternative reading is correct, it would represent an interesting variant to KV 62, as the text would thus address the sun god directly and evoke the phraseology of contemporary solar hymns. Cf. J. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott: Untersuchungen zur altägyptischen Hymnik (MÄS 19/1), 1969, p. 359-360.
J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 76-78 refers to the uncombined variant in another section of the same composition (ibid., p. 89, pl. 7C) and provides a compelling explanation for its reading as k.
The reading t accords with the principle of class exchange, with standing for (cf. J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 178).
For rare examples of the sign with open ends, see Stela BM EA 1628, l. 4 & 6 (First Intermediate Period; see D. Franke, JEA 93 [2007], p. 153, fig. 2 and p. 154, fig. 3); TT 158 (period of Ramses III;
K. C. Seele, The Tomb of Tjanefer at Thebes [OIP 76], 1959, pl. 13 col. 2 and 7) and the shabti boxes of Maatkara at Cairo Museum, JE 26264A-B (Third Intermediate Period).
Note that the sign is not attested as a checkmark in hieratic archival documents from the New Kingdom; see the recent discussion by J. Jüngling, Hieratische Aktenvermerke (HSO 2), 2021.
A. von Lieven, Nutbuch, I, p. 433; J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 155.
For this mark in general, see W. Westendorf, in O. Firchow (ed.), Ägyptologische Studien (VIO 29), 1955, p. 383-402;
A. Motte – N. Sojic, “Paratextual Signs in the New Kingdom Medico-magical Texts”, in N. Carlig – G. Lescuyer – A. Motte et al. (eds.), Signes dans les textes. Continuités et ruptures des pratiques scribales en Égypte pharaonique, grécoromaine et byzantine: actes du colloque international de Liège (2-4 juin 2016) (PapLeod 9), 2020, p. 69-70.
Note also its use as the paratextual mark ṯs-pẖr “inverted spell” in PT manuscripts: in the pyramid of Unis, it was copied at one occasion from the Vorlage and later corrected (A. Grimm, SAK 13 [1986], p. 101;
C. Alvarez, in C. Alvarez – Y. Grebnev [eds.], Approaching Monumentality in Pre-modern Epigraphic and Manuscript Traditions [Manuscript and Text Cultures 1], 2022, p. 132-133).
G. Daressy, Ostraca, p. 92.
J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 595.
A. Piankoff, Chapelles de Tout-ankh-amon, p. 30, pl. IV; A. Piankoff - N. Rambova, Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon, p. 121 and pl. 47; J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 64-69, pl. 5B.
Translation after J. C. Darnell, ibid., p. 64.
See, e.g., O. Turin CGT 57403, ro (J. López, Ostraca ieratici N. 57320-57449 [CMT Serie Seconda - Collezioni III.3], 1982, pl. 130) and P. BM EA 9964, BD spell 124, 16 (G. Lapp, British Museum Totenbuch-Papyrus Nebamun [BM EA 9964] [BAÄ 5], 2014, pl. 6).
Based on the corresponding motif in the Book of the Gates (E. Hornung, Das Buch der Pforten des Jenseits: Nach den Versionen des Neuen Reiches, I [AH 7], 1979, p. 4; II [AH 8], 1979, p. 29, 31-32), J. C. Darnell (Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 52) suggests reading the word as Smy.t “necropolis”. However, there are significant differences between the two compositions: the divinities in the relevant scene in the Book of the Gates are characterized as male by their false beards, while the captions to the second, female couple (s.t and Nb.t-hw.t) do not correspond with the pair on the shrine of Tutankhamun. As such, we prefer to stick with the former (and much simpler) reading Št()y.t (E. Hornung, Das Buch der Pforten, II, p. 31).
G. Daressy, Ostraca, p. 92.
The value t for is attested throughout the Book of Caverns and the Books of the Gates (J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 132).
J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 52-55 and pl. 4C.
E.g. the words wnn, ẖ.wt, and sm.w. For this principle, see D. A. Werning, Das Höhlenbuch: Textkritische Edition und Textgrammatik, Teil 1: Überlieferungsgeschichte und Textgrammatik (GOF IV/48.1), 2011, p. 99; id., in C. Peust (ed.), Miscellanea in honorem Wolfhart Westendorf, p. 128: 12. “Analyse”; id., in St. Polis (ed.), Guide des écritures, p. 198-200.
E.g. the words wnn, ẖ.wt, and sm.w. For this principle, see D. A. Werning, Das Höhlenbuch: Textkritische Edition und Textgrammatik, Teil 1: Überlieferungsgeschichte und Textgrammatik (GOF IV/48.1), 2011, p. 211: “principle #11: reduction of redundancies”.
For an overview, see J. C. Darnell - C. Manassa Darnell, The Ancient Egyptian Netherworld Books (Writing from the Ancient World 39), 2018, p. 50-55 and D. A. Werning, in St. Polis (ed.), Guide des écritures.
This value is also widely attested in other royal netherworld books (J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 184).
has the value k only in the Enigmatic Netherworld Book of Tutankhamun. It has been explained by its shape similarity in hieratic to . In this respect, J. A. Roberson (Lexicon, p. 116) cites hieratic shapes from the Ramesside period (G. Möller, Hieratische Paläographie: die aegyptische Buchschrift in ihrer Entwicklung von der fünften Dynastie bis zur römischen Kaiserzeit, II, 1909, nos 166 and 268). However, the substitution is much more likely to go back to the shapes of from the Second Intermediate Period or the very beginning of the New Kingdom, as these correspond more closely to (ibid., I, 1909, nos 166 and 268).
For this value, see J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 178.
O. Cairo CG 25359 confirms the suggestion that J. C. Darnell (Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 74 - contra A. Piankoff, JEA 35 [1949] p. 114: p) made for T. On p vs. pp in such contexts, see J. A. Roberson, JARCE 43 (2007), p. 106.
For this sign-value, see J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 120.
Note that J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 76, n. d reads the lexeme as m-s, which would imply swapping the signs. We suggest reading (hr)-s (Wb. IV, 11, 31; Coptic c), which fits better with the actual spelling.
Based on the contents of the text and its use of ‘abgad cryptography’, J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 468-471 dates a preliminary version of the text to the Second Intermediate Period, and its final redaction to the time of Amenhotep III. However, as J. Fr. Quack, WdO 35 (2005), p. 44-45 remarks, the dating of the text has not yet been assessed according to the “sprachhistorische Methode”, as outlined by A. von Lieven, Nutbuch, I, p. 223-250.
The sign consists of two strokes: the first marks the characteristic feather, and the second the left part of its base and the standard pole. This might be due to a hasty writing process, as the usual form of the sign consists of four parts (Fr. Servajean, Le tombeau de Nakhtamon (TT 335) à Deir al Medina: paléographie [PalHiéro 5], 2011, p. 92, § 180).
The construction of dw with a dative introduced by n is well attested in sources from the New Kingdom (see Wb. V, 426, 9), probably by analogy with the verba dicendi (p.c. Jean Winand, 10.1.2023).
References to the Litany of Re in this paper follow the standard edition by E. Hornung, Das Buch der Anbetung des Re im Westen (Sonnenlitanei): nach den Versionen des Neuen Reiches, Teil 1: Text (AH 2), 1975.
Compare with the bee on O. BM EA 50716, vo 1 (R. Demarée, Ramesside Ostraca, 2002, pl. 109).
E.g., in the Enigmatic Netherworld Books (J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 122).
E.g., in BD spell 77 (B. Lüscher, Die Verwandlungssprüche (Tb 76-88) [Tbt 2], 2006, p. 21-22).
Exceptions are rare, but see, e.g., O. CoA II.6, l. 3 (H. W. Fairman, in H. Frankfort - J. D. S. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten, Part II: The North Suburb and the Desert Altars: The Excavations at Tell el Amarna during the Seasons 1926-1932 [EEF Memoir 40], 1933, pl. 57): jmy hr ns, hn [nt]k […] “pay attention to her and y[ou …]”.
See A. Piankoff, The Litany of Re (ERTR 4, BollSer 40/4), 1964, p. 32; E. Hornung, Das Buch der Anbetung des Re im Westen (Sonnenlitanei): nach den Versionen des Neuen Reiches, Teil 2: Übersetzung und Kommentar (AH 3), 1976, p. 78-79.
B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem (PalHiero 2), 2006, p. 40, § 28 and p. 58, § 76; Fr. Servajean, Le tombeau de Nakhtamon, p. 17 § 27 and p. 33 § 60.
Note that the classifier Y1 is regularly attested for the verb sšm since the Middle Kingdom (see already Wb. IV, 285, 38). Given the presence of the suffix pronoun tn, one can safely exclude here any mention of the sšm.w (št.w n) Wsjr “secret images of Osiris”, for which see Litany of Ra, 144.
For the meaning of sšm in these texts, see D. A. Werning, Das Höhlenbuch: Textkritische Edition und Textgrammatik, Teil 2: Textkritische Edition und Übersetzung (GOF IV/48.2), 2011, p. 515.
See E. Hornung, Das Buch von den Pforten des Jenseits: Nach den Versionen des Neuen Reiches, Teil 1: Text (AH 7), 1979.
See E. Hornung, Texte zum Amduat, Teil 2: Langfassung, 4. bis 8. Stunde (AH 14), 1992. For a later version of the 7th hour (Saite), with Osiris as the object of sšmtn, see the tomb of Panehesi, TT 20 (= A. El-Sawi - F. Gomaà, Das Grab des Panehsi, Gottesvaters von Heliopolis in Matariya [ÄAT 23], 1993, p. 76 and pl. 10).
For 2nd person singular and 3rd person plural subjects of sšm in the same text, see, e.g., Litany of Ra, 97 (Ra), 159-161 (Ra), 191-193 (Pelican-goddess), 230 (those who know the spells), 245 (Djeba-Demedj).
See É. Naville, Das ägyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie aus verschiedenen Urkunden zusammengestellt und hrsg., Einleitung, 1886, p. 165;
E. Hornung, Das Totenbuch der Ägypter, 1979, p. 493, 519-520;
id., in Université Paul Valéry, Institut d’égyptologie (ed.), Hommages à François Daumas, II, 1986, p. 427-428;
id., The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife: Translated by David Lorton, 1999, p. 137 and 181;
N. Billing, in B. Backes – I. Munro – S. Stöhr (eds.), Totenbuch-Forschungen: gesammelte Beiträge des 2. Internationalen Totenbuch-Symposiums, Bonn, 25. bis 29. September 2005 (SAT 11), 2006, p. 9-10;
A. Gaber, The Scientific Journal of the Faculty of Tourism and Hotels 17/2 (2020), p. 264-265.
Moreover, the sšm Wsjr motif appears in some versions of spell 118, which is attested from the 18th dynasty, e.g., in the Book of the Dead of Nebseni (G. Lapp, The Papyrus of Nebseni [BM EA 9900] [Catalogue of the Books of the Dead in the British Museum III], 2004, pl. 33) and its conceptual model CT 1150 (L. Lesko, The Ancient Book of Two Ways [UCPNES 17], 1972, p. 45, 142) - and of spell 130 (S. Wiebach Koepke, SAK 25 [1998], p. 360-362) and 148 (e.g., P. Turin Cat. 1971, 11).
See F. Abitz, Pharao als Gott: In den Unterweltsbüchern des Neuen Reiches (OBO 146), 1995, p. 183-184 and E. Hornung, in Hommages à François Daumas, II.
See E. Hornung, Das Totenbuch der Ägypter, 1979, p. 247-249.
See already the final spell of the 18th Dynasty Book of the Dead of Maiherperi, P. Cairo 24095 (= I. Munro, Die Totenbuchhandschriften der 18. Dynastie im Ägyptischen Museum Cairo [ÄA 54], 1994, pl. 135).
For the construction sšmtn Wsjr in the Tomb of Ramses IV (KV 2), see E. Hornung, Zwei Ramessidische Königsgräber: Ramses IV. und Ramses VII. (Theben 11), 1990, p. 81 and pl. 55, col. 16 (= 12) and 21 (= 17). In the Tomb of Ramses VI (KV 9), see A. Piankoff, The Tomb of Ramesses VI, II (ERTR 1, BolllSer 40/1), 1954, pl. 106, col. 1.
B. J. J. Haring, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 76-77.
According to the categories proposed by H. G. Fischer, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs, Part I: Reversals (Egyptian Studies II), 1977, p. 86, the mirrored sign might be defined as a ‘reversal relating to divinities’. However, caution is required here, since sign-reversals are common in the hieroglyphic versions of the Netherworld Books of the New Kingdom (royal) tombs and are often not to be explained by association with neighboring representations.
Note that spell 127 is not among the BD spells that appear in the shrines of Tutankhamun.
In this respect, see the insightful remarks by H. Beinlich, GM 102 (1988), p. 7-18.
As is well-known, very high-ranking personalities of the early New Kingdom had non-enigmatic royal Netherworld Books placed in their tombs, e.g., the version of the Amduat and of the Litany of Ra in the tomb of Useramun TT 61 (E. Hornung, NAWG 5 [1961], p. 99-120; E. Dziobek, Die Gräber des Vezirs User-Amun Theben Nr. 61 und 131 [AV 84], p. 44-46).
See A. Piankoff, Chapelles de Tout-ankh-amon, pl. IV. It might be possible to explain the layout of the texts on the recto, namely ←Text B← ↓Text C↓ →Text A→, in connection with the different faces of a three-dimensional object, but such an artefact would have to be rather small. A more convincing explanation for this symmetrical layout might be that the text was (to be) inscribed on top of an artefact (with Text C at the centre, and Text A and B unfolding on each side of this vertical axis). Similar arrangements of Netherworld Books on the ceilings of royal tombs make this option likely.
H. Hohneck, Naoi: Königliche Steindenkmäler in den Tempeln Ägyptens: vom Alten Reich bis zum Ende der pharaonischen Ära, I, 2020, p. 214-217.
Indirect evidence is to be found in the plan for the Tomb of Ramses IV of P. Turin Cat. 1885 (H. Carter - A. H. Gardiner, JEA 4 [1917], pl. XXIX; G. Andreu-Lanoë, L’art du contour: le dessin dans l’Égypte ancienne, 2013, p. 206-207 no. 64) and P. Turin CGT 55002 (S. Demichelis, ZÄS 131 [2004], pl. XVI).
The lack of comparative evidence, combined with the absence of trustworthy internal criteria of a palaeographic nature, makes it very difficult to suggest a date for this ostracon. We prefer to be cautious and assign it a very broad 18th-20th Dynasty (i.e., New Kingdom) dating.
Label from P. Der Manuelian, SAK 10 (1983), p. 231; see also B. Lüscher, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 97-98.
Cf. the so-called Erinnerungsbild (W. Spiegelberg, Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst NF VI [1927-28], p. 100-102; A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, p. 119-122, cat. 291 and p. 360-364, pl. 319-323). Famous examples are: (1) O. BM EA 5620, with a scene copied from the Libyan War of Ramses III at Medinet Habu (KRI V, 50-52), though the name of the king is turned into Ramses IX (W. H. Peck, Drawings from Ancient Egypt, p. 114 no. 44; R. J. Demarée, Ramesside Ostraca, p. 15, pl. 1; N. Allon, SAK 50 [2021], p. 13-16); (2) O. Berlin ÄM 21447, whose author copied a squatting scribe with the name Hwy and his captions from TT 359 with slight modifications (G. Andreu-Lanoë, L’art du contour, p. 172 no. 39); (3) O. KV 18/4 from the surroundings of KV 18, referring to its entrance scene (H. Jenni, Das Grab Ramses‘X. (KV 18) [AH 19], 2015, p. 64-65; B. Lüscher, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 93: ‘Lehrer-Schüler-Übungsstück’); other more recently published examples might include O. Carter-Carnavon 288 (= HO. Cairo 40; Kh. Hassan, NeHet 6 [2018-2020], p. 80-81) and O. KV exc. no. 1008 (Z. Hawass, Ostraca from the Valley of the Kings, 2018-2019 Field Season, I, 2022, p. 158).
Cf. the aide-mémoire signs which were meant to record the general layout of the (planned) decoration of TT 96A (G. Pieke - D. Laboury, “‘Die vorausleuchtende Idee’: zu Künstlermarkierungen im Grab des Sennefer (TT 96A)”, in Chr. Bayer - H. Franzmeier - O. Gauert - R. Schulz [eds.], Dem Schreiber der Gottesworte: Gedenkschrift für Rainer Hannig, 2003, p. 183-200.
Similar figures might have preceded it, however, as the right end of the ostracon is not preserved.
A. Dorn, “Men at Work: zwei Ostraka aus dem Tal der Könige mit nicht-kanonischen Darstellungen von Arbeitern”, MDAIK 61 (2005), p. 7-10. Prominent examples of ostraca with corresponding monumental scenes come from TT 39 (with a sketch of the “Ruderlauf”-scene;
N. De G. Davies, The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes II: The Chapels of Hope, II [RPTMS III], 1922-1923, pl. 72, no. 44-45 and 79.D) and TT 79 (H. Guksch, Die Gräber des Nacht-Min und des Men-cheper-Ra-seneb Theben Nr. 87 und 79 [AV 34], p. 125-126, pl. 47a/b and p. 177-178, pl. 47). In the case of similar ostraca from TT 71 (W. C. Hayes, Ostraka and Name Stones from the Tomb of Sen-mūt (No. 71) at Thebes [PMMA 15], 1942, p. 5, 17-20, pl. IX-XII), TT 99 (N. Strudwick [ed.], The Tomb of Pharaoh’s Chancellor Senneferi at Thebes – TT 99, I, The New Kingdom, 2016, p. 286-287) and TT 296 (E. Feucht, Das Grab des Nefersecheru (TT 296) [Theben 2], 1985, p. 146, pl. LXIX: obj. nos. 11601-11602), the corresponding scenes could not be identified with the decorations of the respective tombs.
O. MANT 292600 and O. MANT 296224et al. (P. Tallet, “Un nouveau témoin des «Devoirs du vizir» dans la tombe d’Aménémopé (Thèbes, TT 29)”, CdE 80/159-160 [2005], p. 66-75; id., “La fin des Devoirs du vizir”, in E. Warmenbol - V. Angenot (eds.), Thèbes aux 101 portes. Mélanges à la mémoire de Roland Tefnin [MonAeg 12], 2010, p. 153-163); cf. also B. J. J. Haring, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 70-71.
B. Lüscher, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II; id., Die Vorlagen-Ostraka aus dem Grab des Nachtmin (TT 87) (BAÄ 4), 2013.
B. J. J. Haring, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 71-72.
A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, p. 118-122. There are however some likely candidates, such as O. MMA 14.6.212 for the decoration of a pillar, most probably in the tomb of Ramses II (U. Rummel, MDAIK 59 [2003], p. 389-409).
The dimensions, ductus, content, and the shape of the two fragments suggest that they most probably join. See F. Hagen, New Kingdom Ostraca from the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (CHANE 46), 2011, p. 40, 111, pl. 53 and H. Goedicke - E. F. Wente, Ostraka Michaelides, 1962, pl. XXXVI.
E. Brunner-Traut, Die altägyptischen Scherbenbilder, 1956, p. 58, pl. XIX no. 50; L. Weiss, Religious Practice at Deir el-Medina (EgUit 29), 2015, p. 405, cat. 11.29. Cf. the drawings of a shabti and a heart amulet on O. Stockholm MM 14120 and MM 14121, which have been interpreted as trial pieces (B. E. J. Peterson, Bulletin Medelhavsmuseet 7-8 [1973], p. 105-106, pl. 76).
The recently excavated O. KV exc. no. 3275 with sketched divinities (Z. Hawass, Ostraca from the Valley of the Kings, p. 135) and O. KV exc. no. 3494 (ibid., p. 138) should be added here. Outside of funerary equipment, P. Turin Cat. 2034 represents a beautiful example of detailed drawings of the footboard of a bed (ro) and of a mšr-chair (vo) that were used as templates for their manufacture by a team of craftsmen, as indicated by the hieratic captions (see K. Gabler - M. Müller, in K. Gabler - R. Gautschy - L. Bohnenkämper et al. (eds.), Text-Bild-Objekte im archäologischen Kontext: Festschrift für Susanne Bickel [LingAeg StudMon 22], 2020, p. 117-150).
See, e.g., A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, p. 133-134, nos. 468-471, pl. 406-409; O. KV exc. no. 3258 (Z. Hawass, Ostraca from the Valley of the Kings, p. 134).
The same characteristic “sloppiness” was also remarked upon in the case of the aforementioned O. MMA 14.6.212 (U. Rummel, MDAIK 59 [2003], p. 405-406 n. 73).
Cf. D. Laboury, “Artistes et écriture hiéroglyphique dans l’Égypte des pharaons”, BSFE 207 (novembre 2022), p. 37-68.
The provenance of O. Cairo CG 25359 is unknown, but unlike many other ostraca published by Daressy in his Catalogue, it might not originate from the Valley of the Kings: one would not really expect the manufacture of complex artefacts of this kind to take place in such a remote area.
W. Pleyte - F. Rossi, Papyrus de Turin, 1869-1876, 2 vols., p. 122, pl. LXXXIV; cf. A. Roccati, BSFE 99 (mars 1984), p. 23 and n. 35; E. Hornung, Der ägyptische Mythos von der Himmelskuh: Eine Ätiologie des Unvollkommenen (OBO 46), 1982, 2nd ed., p. 130; N. Guilhou, “Myth of Heavenly Cow”, UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology 1(1) (2010), p. 1-2.
In this context, it should be noted that the first well-preserved copies of these compositions in the tombs of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II are written in linear hieroglyphs (M. P. Bucher, Les textes des tombes de Thoutmosis III et d’Aménophis II [MIFAO 60], 1932) while later texts employ regular hieroglyphs, with some interspersed cursive signs. See also the Litany of Ra on the shroud dedicated by Amenhotep II to his father Thutmose III (Cairo CG 40001 + Boston MFA 60.1472; cf. E. Hornung, Das Buch der Anbetung des Re im Westen, Teil 2, p. 10-11).
B. J. J. Haring, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 72-73.
B. J. J. Haring, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 79.
R. Demarée, Ramesside Ostraca, p. 25 and pl. 72.
Ibid., p. 25 and pl. 73. According to the online database of the Museum, the fragments are being studied by J. F. Quack and might belong to a single ostracon (www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/Y_EA29509; the third picture shows where the two pieces might join; accessed 18.11.2022).
R. Demarée, Ramesside Ostraca, p. 25; A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, p. 27, 119 and 134; cf. the recently found O. KV exc. no. 2062 (Z. Hawass, Ostraca from the Valley of the Kings, p. 130). Note that some ostraca from the Valley of the Kings bear only divine figures and scenes without texts which might relate to (or be inspired by) Royal Netherworld Books as discussed in n. 141 supra).
We thank Dr. Susanne Töpfer for granting us access to the ostracon during two research stays at the Museo Egizio (21-22.09.2021; 8-9.11.2022) and for providing us with high-definition photographs.
J. López, Ostraca ieratici N. 57320-57449, p. 44, pl. 146-146a; pictures: J. López, Ostraca ieratici N. 57450-57568, tabelle lignee N. 58001-58007 (CMT Serie Seconda - Collezioni III/4), 1984, pl. 206.
We refer to the flat side of the ostracon (‘face d’éclatement’) as the recto and to the other side of the ostracon, which was flattened with a hammering tool, as the verso. All the edges of O. Turin CGT 57440 are tapered, except for the right edge of the recto (= the left edge of the verso), which is c. 7-8 mm thick and can be identified as the ‘talon’. The percussion (using a stone or wooden hammer) that produced a split fracture was probably applied at the lower middle zone of the ‘talon’ where its surface is especially irregular. On the purposeful production of ostraca, see J. Pelegrin - G. Andreu-Lanoë - C. Pariselle, “La production des ostraca en calcaire dans la nécropole thébaine: étude préliminaire”, BIFAO 115 (2016), p. 325-352 and G. Andreu-Lanoë - J. Pelegrin, “La fabrique des ostraca en calcaire: comment scribes et dessinateurs se procuraient-ils ces supports?”, in A. Dorn - St. Polis (eds.), Outside the Box, p. 17-25.
This is especially true of the beginning of col. 2, 3, and 7 on the recto and the beginning of l. 3-4, as well as the ends of l. 2 and 7-9, of the verso.
Judging from the missing text, the ostracon may originally have had the shape of an irregular half-circle.
For an overview of other New Kingdom ostraca written in columns see Fr. Hagen, in R. Mairs - A. Stevenson, Current Research in Egyptology 2005: Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Symposium, University of Cambridge 2005, 2007, p. 43.
The layout of the text in columns and its segmentation using red lines are reminiscent of scribal practices associated with the Kemyt. On the layout of the Kemyt ostraca, see A. Gasse, Catalogue des ostraca littéraires de Deir al-Medîna: nos 1775-1873 et 1156, V (DFIFAO 44), 2005, p. 88-89; O. Goelet, in G. Moers - K. Widmaier - A. Giewekemeyer et al. (eds.), Dating Egyptian Literary Texts (LingAeg StudMon 11), 2013, p. 114-118; A. Motte, “Learning through Practice: On How Kemyt Contributed to Crafting and Transmitting Scribal Knowledge” (to appear in ZÄS 2024). Horizontal dividing lines, but in black ink, are found in a copy of the Teaching of Amenemhat written in columns on O. LACMA M.80.203.203 (= O. Michaelides 50 ro; see H. Goedicke - E. Wente, Ostraka Michaelides, pl. I).
This has been checked on the original (08.11.2022). 173 Note, for instance, the ductus of (l. 1 and 2), (l. 2), and (l. 7). 174 This is the case for the beginning of l. 2 up to s.t, for l. 3 up to jsy, for s.t in l. 4, and for the classifier as well as the suffix of p()d in l. 7.
The following ligatures are found in the text: (l. 1, 3, and 5; cf. St. J. Wimmer, Hieratische Paläographie der nicht-literarischen Ostraka der 19. und 20. Dynastie [ÄAT 28/2], 1995, p. 234, type b; A. Dorn - St. Polis, BIFAO 116 [2016], p. 70, tab. 2), (l. 3), (l. 3 and 8), (l. 3 and 11; cf. St. J. Wimmer, op. cit., p. 27), / (l. 10;
cf. ibid., p. 238), (l. 4 and 7; cf. ibid., p. 354, type e), (l. 4), (l. 5), (l. 8; cf. ibid., p. 352, type b), (l. 8;
cf. ibid., p. 365, type b), (l. 2 and 6; for the latter, cf. ibid., p. 383, type b), (l. 7). Additionally, of l. 1 is ligatured. at the end
See Chl. Ragazzoli, Scribes: les artisans du texte en Égypte ancienne, 2019, p. 68-77 (with references to previous literature on the topic).
With respect to its date, see § 3.3.2.
Compare with O. BM EA 66303 from Abydos (R. Demarée, Ramesside Ostraca, p. 45 and pl. 205-207: ‘fragments of religious texts, which may have been copied from those in the Osireion’) and O. KV 18/7.1081A (A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, p. 353 and pl. 410-411). Many of the signs on O. Turin CGT 57440 ro are rare in other ostraca with cursive hieroglyphic texts, which impedes a proper palaeographical comparison.
É. Drioton, CdE 9/18 (1934), p. 192-195.
J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 14.
Id., in D. Klotz - A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 10.
The foundational study is É. Drioton, “Essai sur la cryptographie privée de la fin de la XVIIIe dynastie”, RdE 1 (1933), p. 1-50.
Known examples include two hymns, addressed to the sun and chthonic deities respectively, in TT 11 (K. Sethe, “Die aenigmatischen Inschriften”, p. 1*-12*; A. D. Espinel, “Play and Display in Egyptian High Culture”, p. 297-335);
BD spell 85 in TT 57, which is nowadays largely destroyed (É. Drioton, RdE 1 [1933], p. 2-14;
A. D. Espinel, “In Tombs, Temples and on Scribal Palettes: Contexts and Functions of Private Cryptography during the Mid-Late Eighteenth Dynasty”, in D. Klotz – A. Stauder [eds.], Enigmatic Writing, p. 104-106), small fragments from TT 368 (ibid., p. 106), and two short adorations in tomb Kampp No. 162 (Fr. Kampp, MDAIK 50 [1994], p. 185-186, pl. 26b;
J. C. Darnell, Enigmatic Netherworld Books, p. 21-26, pl. 1B-C).
For an overview of 18th-Dynasty objects with enigmatic inscriptions, see A. D. Espinel, in D. Klotz - A. Stauder (eds.), Enigmatic Writing, p. 109-121.
In addition to the enigmatic texts discussed in § 1, Ramesside period examples of non-royal cryptography are limited to a series of short texts containing the name and titles of the Abydenian Priests Minmose (U. Effland – A. Effland, GM 198 [2004], p. 11-16) and Parahotep (H. Brunner, JEA 54 [1968], p. 132);
statue Boston MFA 03.1891 from the reign of Ramses II (W. M. Fl. Petrie, Abydos Part II, 1903 [EEF Memoir 24], 1903, pl. XXXV and XXXVII); the name of Atum on statue Paris, BN 23 (J. Yoyotte, “Jeux d’écriture sur une statuette de la XIXe dynastie”, RdE 10 [1955], p. 81-89);
and occasional spellings from TT 32 (L. Kákosy, “A Strange Form of the Name Djehutimes”, BSEG 13 [1989], p. 69-71;
Z. I. Fábián, “Some Unusual or So-Called Late or ‘Cryptic’ Hieroglyphs in Djehutimes’ Tomb (TT 32)”, RRE 2-3 [1998-1999], p. 29-34;
L. Kákosy – T. A. Bács – Z. Bartos et al., The Mortuary Monument of Djehutymes (TT 32) [StudAeg SerMai 1], 2004, p. 115, 118).
Note that Ph. Collombert is currently preparing a study of the prince Khaemwaset, son of Ramses II, and will devote a chapter to the enigmatic practices of his cenacle (p.c., 27.08.2022).
Recurring mistakes in López’ transcription are: the transliteration of as (col. 2, 4, 5, and 6; in the last three instances, twice per line), and as in col. 1 and 3 (twice), with the facsimile in col. 2.
The second occurrence of the sign in this column is read ?
This sign depicts a circular loaf of bread above a wide cup. This form goes back to the late Middle Kingdom at least (R. Cottevieille-Giraudet, Rapport sur les fouilles de Médamoud (1931): les monuments du Moyen Empire [FIFAO 9], 1933, pl. XLIII). In most painted hieroglyphs from Deir el-Medina, the bread is given a more elongated shape (B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 134, § 270 and p. 217), but examples from TT 359 recall the present form (N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 225 col. 9, p. 236, col. 7). See also the comment on l. 3 in § 3.2.2.
Note that the middle vertical stroke is rather more angled than the straight line found in most examples of this sign (B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 87, § 150 and p. 185; Fr. Servajean, Le tombeau de Nakhtamon, p. 70, § 135 and p. 172).
Cf. the more complex form in TT 1 (B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 147, § 307 and p. 214).
For the shape of the sign (misunderstood as), see Fr. Servajean, op. cit., p. 56, p. 164, § 102.
For the p-sign, which usually exhibits a round- or lozenge-shaped extension at the level of its tail, see the examples on O. Turin 57348 (J. López, Ostraca ieratici N. 57320-57449, pl. 103). Variants similar to the present case are to be found on stela KV 18/2.145 (A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, pl. 208-209 no. 230) and in TT 359 (N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 232 col. 25, p. 247 col. 14).
With respect to the enigmatic signs, we only comment on those values that are not already found in J. A. Roberson, Lexicon.
The ductus of the hieratic sign, which has an open bottom, does not allow for the transcription .
The verbs hnti “to sail southwards” (D. Jones, A Glossary of Ancient Egyptian Nautical Titles and Terms, 1988, p. 219 no 58) and hdi “to sail northwards” (ibid., p. 219 no 61) are not listed here because they are not used for describing journeys in the Netherworld.
Provided that the final t of the infinitive of the 3ae inf., probably lost at the time, was indeed written down. On O. Turin CGT 57440, ro, this etymological t does not appear in št.w(t), Jgr(.t) (both col. 3), šnb(.t) (col. 4), though it is written in st (col. 4).
For the use of these verbs in the sun hymns, see J. Assmann, Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Gräbern (Theben 1), 1983, p. 385, 392, 394, and 398. As for the offering formula, the different wishes for crossing the Netherworld are expressed by di in the so-called ‘Bitte 30’ (W. Barta, Aufbau und Bedeutung der altägyptischen Opferformel [ÄgFo 24], 1968, p. 91, 113, and 144) and skd in ‘Bitte 62’ and ‘Bitte 112’ (ibid., p. 115, 120, and 148). According to the evidence cited ibid., p. 179, 182, and 245, the verb ni is not employed in these contexts before the Third Intermediate Period.
Cf. J. Assmann, Maât, l’Égypte pharaonique et l’idée de justice sociale: conférences, essais et leçons du Collège de France, 1989, p. 82-84 and the following statements from tombs in Deir el-Medina: jnk w(.w) m hsy.w p d(i.w) n t-dsr jwk di.twj “I am one of the blessed ones. Oh ferryman of the holy land, you should make me cross over” (TT 321; KRI III, 817, 16); jwj m tpj n hsy.w m-bh Wsjr “I am the first one of the blessed ones before Osiris” (TT 218; KRI VII, 210, 11).
See J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 81.
This value derives from s (on the basis of the consonantal principle); see Statue Boston MFA 24.743 (D. Klotz - M. Brown, JARCE 52 [2016], p. 274) and several spellings of the name Minmose from Abydos (U. Effland - A. Effland, GM 198, p. 11-14).
Cf. the shapes on O. BM EA 5630, col. 10 and 12 (The Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Karnak, part 2: Ramses III’s Temple within the Great Enclosure of Amon, II [OIP 35/2], 1936, pl. 122). The sign is, however, less elongated in the hieroglyphs in TT 1 (B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 59, § 79-80 and p. 172).
E.g., O. KV 18/1.14 (A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, pl. 406-407, no. 468), O. BM EA 50710, ro (R. Demarée, Ostraca, pl. 103) and O. Michaelides 83, ro (H. Goedicke - E. Wente, Ostraka Michaelides, pl. XXXVI). See also the hieratic forms in G. Möller, Aegyptische Buchschrift, II, no. 389. As such, this peculiar feature should presumably be explained by some sort of graphic assimilation to the hieratic form of (ibid., no. 398) or similar.
S. J. Seidlmayer, “Eine Schreiberpalette mit änigmatischer Aufschrift (Städtische Galerie Liebighaus / Frankfurt a.M. Inv.-Nr. IN 1899)”, MDAIK 47 (1991), p. 321 and 324. The type (A241) in J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 31 misses the form of the large triangular harp which lies on the ground. The same value hsy is already attested for a seated harpist in the 12th Dynasty tomb BH 17 (A. G. Shedid, Die Felsgräber von Beni Hassan in Mittelägypten [AW Sondernummer 25], 1994, p. 38, fig. 56; L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 132-134).
For the classification of harps in Ancient Egypt, see H. Hickmann, BiEg 35 (1952-1953), p. 309-358. The harp represented here might be similar to the one on O. Cairo, JE 69409 (ibid., p. 328, fig. 21) and on KV 11 (id., ASAE 50 [1959], p. 523-545).
See the shapes in St. J. Wimmer, Hieratische Paläographie, II, p. 72.
J. K. Hoffmeier, Sacred in the Vocabulary of Ancient Egypt: The Term dsr, with Special Reference to Dynasties I-XX (OBO 59), 1985, p. 171-177. See, for instance, the statements wn.tw nk s.t-dsr.t, mwtk m sbj n kf “May one open for you the holy place, may you die as one who goes to his Ka” and tknk m-bh m s.t-dsr.t sr.tw r rd špsj “May you arrive in front of (God) in the holy place having been lifted up to the noble stair” in TT 57 (J . Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, Band 2: Totenliturgien und Totensprüche in Grabinschriften des Neuen Reiches [SSHAW 17], 2005, p. 358 and 362-363; M. A. L. El-Tanbouli, The Tomb of Khâemhat (Meh) [TT 57]: The Royal Scribe and Overseer of the Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt [CEDAE], 2017, p. 218 H. 2a and 221 H.12). For Deir el-Medina more specifically, see the epithet of Osiris hry s.t-dsr.t on the stela Turin N. 50011, 1st reg. (M. Tosi - A. Roccati, Stele e alter epigrafi di Deir el-Medina, n. 50001 - n. 50262 [CMT serie seconda - collezioni I], 1972, p. 45).
The logographic reading as dšr.t “red crown” is attested in the Amduat (E. Hornung, Texte zum Amduat, Teil III: Langfassung, 9. bis 12. Stunde [AH 15], 1994, p. 708) and in the Book of Nut (A. von Lieven, Nutbuch, I, p. 278, § 20). In the Book of the Gates, it encodes dšr.t “redness” (E. Hornung, Das Buch von den Pforten, I, p. 195; C. Manassa, RdE 57 [2006], p. 112, 130-131).
Compare dšr > Demotic tšr/trš (CDD [T], p. 263 and p. 301-302) > Coptic TωPω; dsr > Demotic tsr (ibid., p. 293) > Coptic, not attested. Additionally, the phenomenon š ̴ s may be explained by palatal assimilation to the preceding d > d, but this has been observed only in words where š follows d (C. Peust, Egyptian Phonology: An Introduction to the Phonology of a Dead Language, 1999, p. 168).
J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 9.
For the form of the divine classifier A40 see B. Lüscher, Totenbuch-Papyrus Neuchâtel Eg. 429 und Princeton Pharaonic Roll 2: zur Totenbuch-Tradition von Deir el-Medina (BAÄ 1), 2007, passim.
Cf. J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 181.
E. Drioton, RdE 1 (1933), p. 24, 26, 32, 45 and pl. IV-V; first decoded by H. Brugsch, ZÄS 12 (1874), p. 147; cf. L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 50; J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 119. The phonological development of the word sjs.w “six” led to the loss of the middle j and consequently to an assimilation of both s (K. Sethe, ZÄS 47 [1910], p. 17).
For an overview of his life and career, see A. Dorn - St. Polis, in Fl. Albert - A. Gasse (eds.), Études de documents hiératiques inédits: les ostraca de Deir el-Medina en regard des productions de la Vallée des Rois et du Ramesseum: travaux de la première Académie hiératique - Ifao (27 septembre - 1er octobre 2015) (CENiM 22), 2019, p. 15-35. For a recent list of literary texts attributed to this scribe, see A. Dorn - St. Polis, in S. Töpfer - P. Del Vesco - F. Poole (eds.), Deir el-Medina through the Kaleidoscope: Proceedings of the International Workshop, Turin 8th-10th October 2018, 2022, p. 437-439.
E.g., O. Cairo HO 425, ro x+8 and vo x+7 (Kh. Hassan - St. Polis, in A. Dorn - St. Polis, Outside the Box, p. 259 pl. 2 and p. 261 pl. 4). For a discussion of the different spellings of the name, see A. Dorn, in U. Verhoeven (ed.), Ägyptologische Binsen-Weisheiten I-II, p. 175-218; G. Burkard, in R. Enmarch - V. M. Lepper (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Literature: Theory and Practice (PBA 188), 2013, p. 79, fig. 5.2-5.10.
The double yod is not infrequently missing from this name. See, e.g., the similar spelling 10038, ro 2 (= P. Grandet, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques non littéraires de Deîr el-Médînéh, X, Nos 10001-10123 in O. DeM [DFIFAO 46], 2006, p. 43 and 228), O. Gardiner 276, l. 3 (= KRI VII, 198, 8); P. Turin Cat. 2018, ro A4,4 (= KRI VI, 853, 16).
For the latter, see also J. S. G. Auenmüller, Die Territorialität der Ägyptischen Elite(n) des Neuen Reiches: Eine Studie zu Raum und räumlichen Relationen im textlichen Diskurs, anhand prosopographischer Daten und im archäologischen Record, 2015, p. 209-222. See further the statue of the vizir Panehesy from Deir el-Medina (KRI IV, 84, 8).
Since the publication of Régen’s comprehensive study, it has been demonstrated that, in her example from the tomb of Sen-mes (QH 35l), one should read hw.t instead of hw.t-k (E. Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan I. Abteilung, Band 2: Architektur, Darstellungen, Texte archäologischer Befund und Funde der Gräber QH 35 - QH 101, 2008, p. 915, pl. LIX).
For this widely attested value see also E. Hornung - E. Staehelin, Skarabäen, p. 175 and 179 n. 17; J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 139.
See, for example, the hieroglyphic dagger in MET 23.3.26 (Chl. Ragazzoli, “Secondary epigraphy in the North Asasif tombs: The ‘restoration label’ of Paser in Khety’s tomb TT 311, year 17 of Ramesses II”, PAM 30/1 [2021], p. 218) and the dagger depicted on the lid of the sarcophagus of Merenptah and Psusennes I, Cairo JE 87297 (S. Petschel, Den Dolch betreffend: Typologie der Stichwaffen in Ägypten von der prädynastischen Zeit bis zur 3. Zwischenzeit [Philippika 36], 2011, p. 71, fig. 9).
B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 67, § 98.
B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 64, § 91, p. 174.
B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 60, § 81, p. 173; in monumental hieroglyphs: Kh. El-Enany, Le petit temple d’Abou Simbel: paléographie (PalHiéro 3), 2007, § 67.
H. Milde, Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet, pl. 6 col. 35, pl. 24 col. 23 and pl. 35 col. 36.
E.g. the vignettes to BD spell 83 in TT 290 (Fr. Lecoq, ENiM 12 [2019], p. 271 fig. 16) and TT 359 (N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, II, p. 62 pl. 92) or on papyrus (H. Milde, Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet, pl. 36).
See, however, the same bird, without wattle and feathers on the back of its head, in TT 359 (N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 224 col. 2).
J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 90.
Cf. rnj mn(.w) hr-tp t (DeM statue of Nehy; KRI VI, 349, 3). This phrasing is also used to characterize people passing by in the future in the appeal to the living; cf. the statue, Munich, SMÄK, Gly. 38 wnny.w nty tp-t “who will be and are on earth” (KRI III, 298, 1), referring to people living in the future.
E.g. P. Turin CGT 55002 ro, frg. T and vo Text B, x+2.2 (S. Demichelis, ZÄS 131 [2004], p. 121-122 and 129, pl. XIII-XV).
See, for instance, O. DeM 112, ro 2 (J. Černý, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques non littéraires de Deir el-Médineh: nos 1 à 113 [DFIFAO 3], 1935, pl. 62), O. DeM 964, ro 5 (P. Grandet, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques non littéraires de Deîr el-Médînéh. Tome IX: Nos 831-1000 [DFIFAO 41], 2003, p. 135-136 and 415).
P. Turin Cat. 2070, vo II.6-7 (Sch. Allam, Hieratische Ostraka und Papyrus aus der Ramessidenzeit [URÄA 1], 1973, p. 328 and pl. 121). Cf. also A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, p. 431. Note that O. BTdK 695 (vo 3) locates a mhr inside a št.(y)t and thus confirms its identification as a pyramidion (A. Dorn, in J. Toivari-Viitala - T. Vatiainen - S. Uvato [eds.], Deir el-Medina Studies, p. 54).
Note also the shape of the sign in the Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet (H. Milde, Book of the Dead of Neferrenpet, pl. 8, col. 9). In other cases, the bread mould rests on a faint horizontal baseline (e.g., B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 134, § 270, p. 207); cf. n. 186 above.
See the long beaks of the birds in col. 2 () and 5 ().
For cursive hieroglyphic parallels to the sign, see O. Senenmut 44, l. 1 (W. C. Hayes, Ostraka and Name Stones from the Tomb of Sen-mut, pl. IX) and O. CG 25202, col. 1 (G. Daressy, Ostraca, pl. XXXIII).
Cf. W. Spiegelberg, Koptische Etymologien: Beiträge zu einem koptischen Wörterbuch (SAWH 27), 1920, p. 29-30 who proposes tj.t as an etymological form of the noun.
Cf. L. Morenz, Sinn und Spiel, p. 66; K. Eaton, ZÄS 134 (2007), p. 22-23; F. Hoffmann, in C.-B. Arnst - R. Schulz (eds.), Typen, Motive, Stilmittel (BAK 1), 2021, p. 23 and 26.
P. Salt 825, XIV, 7 uses the term to refer to a pectoral (Ph. Derchain, Le papyrus Salt 825 (B.M. 10051), rituel pour la conservation de la vie en Égypte, 1965, p. 142 and 15*). See also the Graeco-Roman period epithet of divine standards tj.t št.t (P. Barguet, RdE 8 [1951], p. 6; LGG VII, 365).
See the comment on mn(.w) r-tp šnb.tk below.
Hieroglyphic texts seem to prefer the variant with one vertical bar (B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 142, p. 212 § 295; Fr. Servajean, Le tombeau de Nakhtamon, p. 127, § 253, p. 202).
See, for instance, K. Jansen-Winkeln, Spätmittelägyptische Grammatik, p. 37, § 58; G. Vittmann, “Zum Gebrauch des k-Zeichen im Demotischen”, SEAP 15 (1996), p. 1-12.
We exclude because of the shape this sign takes later in the same line.
TT 106: wnnsMAAT r-gs šnb.tf “May sheMAAT be on the side of his chest” (KRI III, 8, 4); hsbd.t sšd r šnb.tk “a bandage of lapis-lazuli is at your chest” (Wb. DZA 30.177.290).
TT 50: mh.w sšn.w rrm.wt r šnb.t[k] “Garlands, bandages and mandrake(?)-fruits are at your [chest]” (R. Hari, La tombe thébaine du père divin Néferhotep (TT50) [Collection Epigraphica], 1985, p. 38, pl. XXVI, l. 7).
In BD spell 100/129, it is said that a vignette should be inscribed on an amulet and placed on the breast of the deceased, though the preposition hr is used (J. Fr. Quack, Altägyptische Amulette und ihre Handhabung, p. 185).
The value of the sign might derive from the position of the ‘standing’ snake and/or from the name of the snake h which is attested in the Amduat (E. Hornung, Texte zum Amduat, Teil III, p. 724), P. Leiden I 347, IX, 2-3 (after J. Zandee, An Ancient Egyptian Crossword Puzzle: An Inscription of Neb-wenenef from Thebes [MVEOL 15], 1966, p. 55) and the crossword stela of TT 157, l. 10 (ibid., p. 3 and 55-56; KRI III, 288, 15), where the standing snake is used as a classifier. Cf. also a fragment from the time of Amenhotep II from Athribis which mentions the divinity nfr-h (B. Bruyère, Mert Seger à Deir el Médineh [MIFAO 58], 1929: I, p. 108, II, p. 220). It is well-attested in Graeco-Roman times (H. Kees, ZÄS 57 [1922], p. 122-123; LGG II, 196).
h.w nfr{.t} m hr.t-ntr r nhh hn d.t “a beautiful lifetime in the necropolis for eternity” (N. De G. Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes [PMMA V], 1927, p. 30 n. 1, pl. XVIII = KRI I, 341, 5).
h.w nfr m hr.t-ntr “a beautiful lifetime in the necropolis” (J. Ruffle - K. A. Kitchen, in J. Ruffle - G. A. Gaballa - K. A. Kitchen (eds.), Orbis Aegyptiorum Speculum, Glimpses of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honour of H.W. Fairman, 1979, p. 57-58 and 66-67 pl. V = KRI III, 193, 4).
h.w w m hsw.t nswt “a long lifetime in the favour of the king” (H. W. Fairman, JEA 25 [1939], p. 142, pl. XVI.1).
B. Bruyère, Deir el Médineh (1935-1940), II, p. 31, fig. 97.
See the centrality of this word in the harpist’s song of Nefersekheru in Zawyet Sultan (J. Osing, in Aspects de la culture pharaonique: quatre leçons au Collège de France (février-mars 1989) [MAIBL SN XII], 1992, p. 21).
See A. Dorn - St. Polis, BIFAO 116 (2017), p. 71, tab. 5.
E.g., h.w kj hr hsw.t nswt “a long lifetime in the favour of the king” (statue Cairo CG 1134; L. Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten [CGC], IV, 1934, p. 73 = KRI III, 108, 10).
E.g., h.w nfr hr jw “a good lifetime with a high age“(B. Bruyère, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Médineh (1929), 1930, p. 22).
E.g., h.w nfr hr ndm-jb “a good lifetime in joy” (Coffin Berlin, ÄM 20135; G. Roeder, Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, II: Inschriften des Neuen Reiches, Indizes zu Band 1 und 2, 1924, p. 555).
For this lintel, see also J. Budka, Der König an der Haustür: die Rolle des ägyptischen Herrschers an dekorierten Türgewänden von Beamten im Neuen Reich (BZÄ 19, VIAÄUW 94), 2001, p. 120-121, fig. 31.
J. Assmann, JEA 65 (1979), p. 63-64 notes that the provision of the deceased with food is an especially relevant topic of the harpists’ songs.
See the examples in the Book of the Dead of Any (R. Faulkner - O. Goelet - C. Andrews - J. Wassermann, The Egyptian Book of the Dead: The Book of Going Forth by Day, 1994, pl. 25, left col. 2), TT 335 (Fr. Servajean, Le tombeau de Nakhtamon, p. 6, § 10, p. 134), and TT 359 (N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 253 col. 7). For further variants, see D. Meeks, Document numérique 16/3 (2013), p. 40, fig. 2-3.
Note that this kind of direct representation is not an isolated phenomenon, e.g. for di nh on the scribal Palette Frankfurt, Liebighaus IN 1944 (S. J. Seidlmayer, MDAIK 47 [1991], p. 320-321) and different representations of the king holding an offering table for htp-di-nsw on the Statue Boston MFA 24.743 (D. Klotz - M. Brown, JARCE 52 [2016], p. 276 fig. 7, p. 278), the aforementioned scribal palette in Frankfurt, as well as its pendant in Paris, Louvre AF 12725 (S. J. Seidlmayer, MDAIK 47 [1991], p. 320-321); cf. J. J. Clère, “Un nouvel exemple du monogramme htp-di-nswt”, in Studi in memoria di Ippolito Rosellini, II, 1955, p. 35-42.
J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 80-81.
This reasoning follows the segmentation of the text with red lines.
It is not possible to read nk here, as this would necessitate an additional angle to the left.
A phraseological parallel is found in P. Leiden I 343 + 345, vo V.4: [f]k rd.wyk r shsk p hw r htm r n p […] “May you raise up your feet so that you hurry - oh akhu - until the mouth of […] is sealed” (S. Beck, Sāmānu: Ein vorderasiatischer Dämon in Ägypten [ÄAT 83], 2015, p. 156). H.-W. Fischer-Elfert (p.c.; 3.1.2023) draws our attention to another possible parallel on O. DeM 1650, ro 6 (G. Posener, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques littéraires de Deir el Médineh: Nos 1607-1675. Tome III (fasc. 3) [DFIFAO 20], 1980, p. 93 and pl. 72-72a), where one reads […] mdws hn rd w. He is currently preparing a study of this text (incl. an unpublished parallel from Berlin).
Cf. P. Koemoth, “Le rite de redresser Osiris”, in J. Quaegebeur (ed.), Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East, Proceedings of the International Conference organized by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven from the 17th to the 20th of April 1991 (OLA 55), 1993, p. 157-174.
C. Peust, Indirekte Rede im Neuägyptischen (GOF IV/33), 1996, p. 52-53, § 3.3.1.2.
A similar case of direct speech introduced before the addressee is found in O. CoA II.1, l. 3-4: jwk hr dd jmy nf n p sw.ty nty hr sw n šwy.w “And you said ‘Give (it) to him’ to the watchman who takes care of the hay” (J. D. S. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten, Part II: The Central City and the Official Quarters: The Excavations at Tell el-Amarna during the Seasons 1926-1927 and 1931-1936, II [EES Memoir 44/2], 1951, pl. LXXXIV).
Similar shapes appear in administrative ostraca from the period of Ramses III onwards, e.g. O. DeM 94, l. 1 (J. Černý, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques non littéraires de Deir el-Médineh: Nos 1 à 113 [DFIFAO 3], 1935, pl. 55), O. DeM 604, l. 1 and 3 (S. Sauneron, Catalogue des ostraca hiératiques non littéraires de Deir el-Médineh: Nos 550-623 [DFIFAO 13], 1959, pl. 25). Cf. also St. J. Wimmer, Hieratische Paläographie, II, p. 259, form Ramses IX.
For a 20th Dynasty spelling of šsp as, see O. Turin CGT 57001, ro 8 (J. López, Ostraca ieratici N. 57001-57092 [CMT Serie Seconda - Collezioni III/1], pl. 1).
For the palatalization h > š, see C. Peust, Egyptian Phonology, p. 123, § 3.9.5.
We were not able to identify the animal which López used in his hieroglyphic transcription.
Palaeographically, numerals do not match the traces.
We prefer the sign to (G. Möller, Aegyptische Buchschrift, II, no. 573) as it is possible to observe a small oblique stroke at the left bottom end of the upper sign (which would be the snake’s tail).
As in other cases, this logographic spelling might result from the influence of enigmatic orthographic habits upon hieratic spellings.
A. Piankoff, BIFAO 41 (1942), pl. VII col. 1-2. For the scene in the tomb of Ramses VI, see id., The Tomb of Ramses VI, I (BollSer 40.1), 1954, p. 52, fig. 10, pl. 8.
For a unique attestation of an ennead of gods (psd.t n.t ntr.w), see LGG III, 154-155. Note especially the psd.t n.t ntr.w jmy.t-ht k Jmnt.t “ennead of gods which follow the bull of the West”, which may relate to the following phrase on O. Turin CGT 57440.
See W. Barta, Untersuchungen zum Götterkreis der Neunheit (MÄS 28), 1973, p. 37-38; Chr. Seeber, Untersuchungen zur Darstellung des Totengerichts im Alten Ägypten (MÄS 35), 1976, p. 133-136; L. Troy, in G. Englung (ed.), The Religion of Ancient Egyptians: Cognitive Structures and Popular Expressions, Proceedings of Symposia in Uppsala and Bergen 1987 and 1988 (Boreas 20), 1989, p. 59-69. For a concrete phraseological parallel see CT 839 ts(.w) k jn R šsp(.w) k jn psd.tj “your arm is lifted up by Ra, your arm is taken by the two Enneads” (CT VII, 41b). For the concept of being “received” (šsp) in the West, see J. Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, II, p. 349-350. Cf. also the iconic depiction ‘which begs to be read’ of the Ennead on top of the entrance to the subterranean structure of TT 335 at Deir el-Medina (B. Bruyère, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Médineh (1924-1925) [FIFAO 3/3], 1926, p. 116-117).
Other (linear) hieroglyphic forms of the latter sign are found in in TT 1 (B. J. J. Haring, The Tomb of Sennedjem, p. 53, § 62, p. 169) and the O. KV 18/6.815 (A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten, pl. 396-397 no. 451).
This sign-value is not attested so far but is in line with the metonymic values nb.t and hnw.t (J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 68); cf. also B. Lurson, “Cryptography, the Full Moon Festival of Min, and the King: Reading the Cryptographic Inscription of the Chapel of Min in the Temple of Ramses II at Abydos”, JARCE 52 [2017], p. 228-229 n. g).
Consider also the violent connotation of the construction dgs (hr) (Wb. V, 501, 9-10).
For this concept in general, see also R. Weill, Le champ des roseaux et le champ des offrandes dans la religion funéraire et la religion générale (EtudEg 3), 1936, p. 42-54.
NN k pw w.ty k sdm nb hsbd nb sh.t k ntr.w “NN is this unique bull, the large and painted one, lord of lapislazuli, lord of the field, the bull of the gods” (CT V, 384o-385a). For the history of the text, see L. Lesko, JARCE 9 (1971-1972), p. 89-101.
R. Moftah, Studien zum ägyptischen Königsdogma im Neuen Reich (SDAIK 20), 1985, p. 221-228.
LGG II, 144-145.
J. Assmann, Maât: l’Égypte pharaonique et l’idée de justice sociale, p. 121.
G. Lapp, Totenbuch Spruch 125 (Tbt 3), 2008, p. 170-171.
E.g., P. Chester Beatty IV, vo II.11 (A. H. Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, Third Series: Chester Beatty Gift, 1935, pl. 18).
We are not aware of any similar spellings of the word. See the list in P. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographic Study, 1984, p. 206.
For the use of these terms in the village of Deir el-Medina, see J. J. Janssen, Commodity Prices from the Ramesside Period: An Economic Study of the Village of Necropolis Workmen at Thebes, 1975, p. 389.
The term does not seem to be current in New Kingdom funerary texts and only later enters BD spell 1; cf. B. Backes, Wortindex zum späten Totenbuch (pTurin 1791) (SAT 9), 2005, p. 190.
nj šn.tw hr sb.w Dw.t (e.g. KRI III, 278, 11; 317, 11; 319, 11-12).
See S. Sauneron, in J. Sainte Fare Garnot (ed.), Mélanges Mariette (BdE 32), 1961, p. 241-242; S. Aufrère, L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne (BdE 105/2), 1991, p. 491-492.
Contra Wb. II, 272, 2: “roter Granit”. Our translation is based on the self-designation of the Naos Cairo JE 47580 (H. Hohneck, Naoi, II, p. 175; cf. J. R. Harris, Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals [VIO 54], 1961, p. 88).
F. L. Griffith - W. M. Fl. Petrie, Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanis. I. The Sign Papyrus (A Syllabary); II. The Geographical Papyrus (An Almanack) (EEF Memoir 5), 1889, pl. X frg. 16; Chr. Leitz, Die Gaumonographien in Edfu und ihre Papyrusvarianten: ein überregionaler Kanon kultischen Wissens im spätzeitlichen Ägypten, Soubassementstudien III (SSR 9), 2014: I, p. 450, 452 and II, pl. 96.
J. Osing, Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis I, The Carlsberg Papyri 2 (CNIP 17), 1998: I, p. 255-256 and II, pl. 28, frg. D 10 + D11, l. 3.
This is based on its attribution to Horus in the Geographical Papyrus, while iron is attributed to Seth, which recalls Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, 62: έτι τήν σιδηρiτιν λiθον oστέον Ωρου, Tυφώνος δέ τόν σiδηρον […] καλουσιν “they also call magnet stone the bone of Horus and iron the bone of Seth”. Moreover, Piehl compares the stem to Coptic Tωωϭ “to be fixed” (CD, p. 464-465) which, however, goes back to dg (KHWb, p. 262); cf. S. Aufrère, L’univers minéral, II, p. 434.
For the third option, see the spelling of hnd.w on O. Asmolean Museum HO 1935.39, vo 2 (J. Černý - A. H. Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca, 1957, pl. LXXII-LXXIIA).
J. S. Gesellensetter, Das Sechet-Iaru: Untersuchungen zur Vignette des Kapitels 110 im Ägyptischen Totenbuch, 1997, p. 182-192.
E. Hornung - A. Brodbeck - E. Staehelin, Das Buch von den Pforten des Jenseits, II, Übersetzung und Kommentar (AH 8), 1980, p. 143-152.
J. Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, II, p. 256-257; id., Altägyptische Totenliturgien, Band III: Osirisliturgien in Papyri der Spätzeit [SSHAW 20], 2008, p. 286-288. The closest phraseological parallel is CT spell 517 sprk r rd-wr “May you reach the large stairway” (CT VI, 106b).
On this form of the hieroglyphic sign of the moon (which appears somewhere in the 17th Dynasty), see Cl. Vandersleyen, Les guerres d’Amosis fondateur de la XVIIIe dynastie (MRE 1), 1971, p. 207-213. For the value j of this sign, see D. Klotz, ENiM 7 (2014), p. 40, n. 27.
Note that the construction sjn r [LOCATION] ‘to hurry to a place’ does not seem to be attested before the Ptolemaic Period.
Based on the consonantal principle as applied to either jh or, more probably, to hry (see J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 128, with S. J. Seidlmayer, MDAIK 47 [1991], p. 325, n. 9).
Material evidence for oars as paraphernalia comes from the burial chamber of Tutankhamun, but their number amounts to eleven there (D. Jones, Model Boats from the Tomb of Tutankhamun [TTS 9], 1990, p. 48-50; pl. 37-38; cf. H. Beinlich, GM 102 [1988], p. 12; S. Deicher, ZKG 83/3 [2020], p. 324-326).
See the synthesis by R. El-Sayed, “Les sept vaches célestes, leur taureau et les quatre gouvernails”, MDAIK 36 (1980), p. 378-381.
The “Island-of-the-Justified-Ones” appears in CT spell 335 (CT IV, 335a) and spell 341 (CT IV, 344d) as the destination for the deceased in the Netherworld. During the New Kingdom, it acquired a prominent place in the commentary of BD spell 17 on CT 335, where it is identified as bd.w “Abydos” (G. Lapp, Totenbuch Spruch 17 [TbT 1], 2006, p. 88-89, 92-93; U. Rößler-Köhler, Kapitel 17 des ägyptischen Totenbuches: Untersuchungen zur Textgeschichte und Funktion eines Textes der altägyptischen Totenliteratur [GOF IV/10], 1979, p. 217). It is also mentioned in the 18th dynasty Stela Chicago, OIM 8798, l. 11 (E. Brovarski, JEA 62 [1976], 63 n. o, pl. XI).
E.g. a harpist’s song […] m jw-n-m.tj hnm.nf t-ntr “[…] in the jw-n-m.tj, after he has joined god’s land” (W. K. Simpson - G. E. Kadish - G. E. Freeman [eds.], Studies in Philology in Honour of Ronald James Williams: A Festschrift, 1982, p. 135 col. 7 and pl. V-VI) or the TT 106 sprj m htp r jmy-wr.t p jw-m.tyw “I shall reach the Netherworld in peace, the Island-of-the-Justified-ones (KRI III, 6, 16-7, 1).
For the logographic value m.t, which is also attested outside enigmatic writing, see J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 38.
See, for instance, the Late Period shw I, spell 6, verse 19 šmk jrk r Sh.t-jr.w hmsk m Sh.t-htp.w “but you go to the Field-of-Iaru and sit in the Field-of-Offerings” (J. Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, III, 2008, p. 105).
On the verso, this sign is either not closed at its right end as in šty.t (l. 4) and t (l. 7) or is written very cursively, e.g., in šnb.tk (l. 6) and ntr.wt (l. 8). The ductus of the sign also excludes the reading .
šm.n Ppj pn jr jw- hry-jb Sh.t-htp “This Pepy went to the big island in the middle of the Field-of-Offerings” (transliteration and translations based on P). During the New Kingdom, the genitive phrase jw.w n Sh.t-jr.w appears in the so-called großer Stelentext: df mhn.t n.t hr.t-ntr r jw.w n Sh.t-jr.w “May he travel in the ferry of the necropolis to the islands of the Field-of-Iaru” (Urk. IV, 1521, 1, 4). Note that the mention of the deceased’s plot (sh or šd) is more common during this period, but their usual classifier does not fit the traces (J. Assmann - M. Bommas, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, Band I: Totenliturgien in den Sargtexten des Mittleren Reiches, 2002, p. 148-149; J. Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, II, p. 260-262). A description of the Sh.t-htp is found in BD spell 110 (A. Bayoumi, Autour du champ des souchets et du champs des offrandes, 1940, p. 93-110; J. S. Gesellensetter, Das Sechet-Iaru).
Note that a material analysis of the ostracon did not allow us to ascertain whether the red horizontal lines were added before or after the text written in black ink; this is because the black ink always looks as if it was written on top of the red ink, even in cases where that would be very difficult (or impossible) to explain from a practical point of view. See, for instance, sections where parts of some black hieroglyphs seem to have been written on top of the following red line (e.g., col. 2, 4th red line; col. 3, 1st red line; col. 5, 2nd red line).
We were not able to correlate these red lines with systematic traces of dipping in the hieratic text on the verso.
The spelling for kk “may you enter” (l. 3) instead of the more common (or sim. in hieratic), may also be explained by the influence of an enigmatic spelling with mono-consonantal signs (lost at the bottom of col. 1). In addition, note that this spelling of k ‘to enter’ is common in the Netherworld Books of the New Kingdom.
Cf. S. Schott, Bücher und Bibliotheken im Alten Ägypten: Verzeichnis der Buch- und Spruchtitel und der Termini technici, 1990, p. 414-415.
J. Winand, Études de néo-égyptien, 1: la morphologie verbale (AegLeod 2), 1992, p. 56-60, § 100-104.
See § 3.2.2 above. The verb di “to travel” > demotic dy (CDD [D], p. 11-12) does not appear to be attested in Coptic any longer. It is preserved only in the (etymologically) composite verb ϫooP “to ferry over” (CD, p. 82; KHWb, p. 51) and in the noun dy.w > ϫo “ship” (CD, p. 754; KHWb, p. 415).
For their historical context, see J. Assmann, “Fest des Augenblicks - Verheissung der Dauer: Die Kontroverse der ägyptischen Harfnerlieder”, in J. Assmann - E. Feucht - R. Grieshammer (eds.), Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto, 1977, p. 83-84. For the harpists’ songs at Saqqara, see H. Twiston Davies, “The Harpists’ Songs at Saqqara: Transmission, Performance, and Contexts”, in N. Staring - H. Twiston Davies - L. Weiss (eds.), Perspectives on Lived Religion. Practices - Transmission - Landscape (PALMA-Eg 21), 2019, p. 97-129.
For a recent overview of all the incipits, see S. Emerit, “Le chant du harpiste: une porte ouverte sur l’au-delà ?”, BIFAO 115 (2016), p. 162-177.
TT 50 (R. Hari, La tombe thébaine du père divin Néferhotep (TT50), pl. IV and XXVI; S. Emerit, BIFAO 115 [2016], p. 162-163, doc. 1-2). Cf. the phrase hsw m bn.t in P. BM EA 10060, ro VI, 3 (M. V. Fox, Or 46/4 [1977], p. 405).
TT 106: dd.t.n p hs(w) M.t nty m t hr.t jmnt.t Ws.t (M. Lichtheim, JNES 4/3 [1945], pl. V; KRI III, 7, 16; S. Emerit, BIFAO 115 [2016], p. 164, doc 3).
TT 263: [ḏd.t.n] jmj-r ḥsw.w nty m t ḥr.t (M. Lichtheim, JNES 4/3 [1945], pl. VIa; S. Emerit, BIFAO 115 [2016], p. 165, doc. 4).
TT 263: [ḏd.t.n] jmj-r ḥsw.w nty m t ḥr.t (M. Lichtheim, JNES 4/3 [1945], pl. VIa; S. Emerit, BIFAO 115 [2016],, p. 159-160.
In this case, the sign would take the value d, applying the consonantal principle to its logographic value di “to travel by boat”. Note that this enigmatic value is not attested so far (J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 143).
Although the infinitive of the verb dd > copt. ϫω lost its final dental stop at some point (C. Peust, Egyptian Phonology, p. 156-157), an analogous development is unlikely to have happened in the phonological environment of the (feminine) relative form before the end of the 20th Dynasty; this is because the word stress was most likely on the penultimate syllable, after d. Note the graphemic clues pointing in this direction in typical Late Egyptian orthographies of the relative form, such as or (for the latter, see J. Winand, Études de néo-égyptien, 1: la morphologie verbale [AegLeod 2], 1992, p. 385 [§ 607]).
For the distinction between the two categories of texts, (1) “Lieder, die das Diesseits erhöhen und das Jenseits herabsetzen” - i.e., “heretical” songs - and (2) “Lieder zur ‘Verklärung’ des Grabherrn” - i.e. “orthodox” songs - see J. Assmann, in J. Assmann - E. Feucht - R. Grieshammer (eds.), Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur, p. 55-84; id., LÄ II, col. 972-982; J. Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, II, p. 24-25, p. 583-597. The former group are identified as songs which s tp-t “exalt the earthly (existence)”and snd hr.t-ntr “belittle the necropolis” in TT 50 (R. Hari, La tombe thébaine du père divin Neferhotep (TT50), p. 12-13 and pl. IV middle col. 3-4) while the latter are identified as sh.w “glorifications” on the block BM EA 55337 from TT 163 (J. Assmann, JEA 65 [1979], p. 56-58, pl. IX).
For the formal characteristics of sh.w-texts, see J. Assmann, in W. Burkert - Fr. Stolz (eds.), Hymnen der Welt im Kulturvergleich (OBO 131), 1994, p. 49-50; id., Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete (OBO [special ed.]), 2nd ed., 1999, p. 17-30, 56-60.
As pointed out by É. Drioton on several occasions (e.g., É. Drioton, RdE 1 [1933], p. 14; id., CdE 9/18 [1934], p. 194-195).
The close connection between the verb di “to travel by boat” and the harpist’s songs is strengthened by their location within the funerary chapels: (1) they are mostly located below solar hymns (Y. Chobanov, in T. Lekov - E. Buzov [eds.], Cult and Belief in Ancient Egypt: Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress for Young Egyptologists, 25-27 September 2012, Sofia, 2014, p. 132-133), which often use the verb di (as noted above, see J. Assmann, Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Gräbern, p. 398); (2) the verb is even found below a boat-scene in the tomb of Nefersekheru (Zawyet Sultan), in which the caption says dy.t m bnw r Jbt.t mj Hr-h.ty “Travelling with the bnw-bird to the east in order that I might see Harakhte” and dy.t m Wsjr nb dd.w ntr nb Jmnt.t “Travelling with Osiris, the lord of Busiris, the great god and lord of the West” (J. Osing, Das Grab des Nefersecheru in Zawyet Sultan [AV 88], 1992, p. 65, pl. 17 and 42).
Which would lead inevitably to the conclusion that the text on the recto was not copied by the same scribe.
Even if the consistent use of n - and not of n.t or of a direct genitive - in the other harpist’s songs of the New Kingdom argues in favor of a dative (cf. E. Wente, JNES 21 [1962], p. 122, n. a).
TT 106 = dd.t n p hs(w) M.t nty m t hr.t jmn.t Ws.t (M. Lichtheim, JNES 4/3 [1945], pl. V; KRI III, 7, 16; S. Emerit, BIFAO 115 [2016], p. 164 doc. 3); TT 263 = [dd?.t? n] jmj-r hsw.w nty m t hr.t (M. Lichtheim, op. cit., pl. VIa; S. Emerit, op. cit., p. 165 doc. 4).
See J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 81.
The example from P. Turin Cat. 1994 quoted in Beleg. V, 21 (re Wb. V, 139, 10) is a misinterpretation of ks hr “to bow down the face”.
Cf. the attestations collected in F. L. Borrego Gallardo, TdE 6 (2015), p. 23-30.
J. Assmann - M. Bommas - A. Kucharek, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, III, p. 259 and 264.
Compare some of the examples collected by E. Graefe (Untersuchungen zur Wortfamilie bj-, 1971, pl. 10, tab. 4 [after p. 90]).
A. Danieri Rodrigo, “An Enigmatic Inscription at Aksha”, JSSEA 15/2 (1985), p. 69-70 and n. s; id., “Aksha (Serra (West): el templo de Ramsés II, II: la inscripción enigmática del atrio”, REE 1 (1990), p. 49 and p. 51 n. s, fig. II, pl. VI b.
É. Drioton, “Une erreur antique de déchiffrement”, RdE 12 (1960), p. 31; compare also Ph. Derchain, Le papyrus Salt 825, p. 134. Another possible transcription mistake made by an ancient scribe has been noted by É. Drioton, “La cryptographie du Papyrus Salt 825”, ASAE 41 (1941), p. 109-111.
For a detailed comparison of the architectural contexts, see Y. Chobanov, in T. Lekov - E. Buzov (eds.), Cult and Belief, p. 131-134; S. Emerit, BIFAO 115 [2016], p. 157-159, 161-177.
See A. Dorn - R. Pietri - St. Polis - C. Widow, in C. Larché, BAEFE 2022, p. 23-37. In the final publication of the tomb structures, we will show that B. Bruyère’s architectural reconstruction is disputable.
See already B. Bruyère, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Médineh (1933-1934). Première partie: la nécropole de l’ouest (FIFAO 14), 1937, p. 75-77 and 84-88.
In the subterranean chamber 2, cf. N. Cherpion - J.-P. Corteggiani, La Tombe d’Inherkhâouy, I, p. 119-122, 231-234, col. 12; II, fig. 107.
See B. G. Davies, Who’s Who, p. 21-29 and chart 3.
In the case of TT 359, this has already been suggested because of the unusual location of the harpist’s song in the subterranean chamber of the tomb (S. Emerit, op. cit., p. 159).
The enigmatic values are mostly derived following the consonantal principle, class exchange, and synecdoche (J. A. Roberson, Lexicon, p. 4-11).
The exception is šn (col. 4), which does not appear in regular spellings of the word before the 1st millennium (Wb. Zettel DZA 30.176.010).
This includes signs standing for words which were reduced to one consonant by the Ramesside period, e.g. t “land” (col. 2) and hr “with” (col. 4).
Except for the moon-signs, we cannot explain their distribution based on their function or phonological environment.
One might even suggest that the conceptual similarity between the Turin ostracon and the abgad-texts may indicate that the composer of the text on the ostracon was influenced by these texts. In this respect, note that the workmen of Deir el-Medina constantly had to deal with enigmatic writing while decorating the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings (cf. § 2.3).
Those signs that exhibit their regular or documented enigmatic values are omitted.
For the value k.t, see its use in the Graeco-Roman Period (D. Kurt, Einführung ins Ptolemäische, p. 131, no 25).
The sign is used with the value k in the Graeco-Roman Period (ibid., p. 127, no 4).
The sign is used with the value ḳ in the Graeco-Roman Period, p. 171, no 45.
The sign is used with the value ḳ in the Graeco-Roman Period, p. 226, no 61.
The sign is used with the value ḳ in the Graeco-Roman Period, p. 305, no 55.
D. Klotz, ENiM 7 (2014), p. 40, n. 27.
Cf. the glosses of the Tebtynis onomasticon where the sign transcribes the stressed vowel /é/ (J. Osing, Hieratische Papyrus aus Tebtynis, p. 47).
D. Kurt, Einführung ins Ptolemäische, p. 363, no 1.
D. Kurt, Einführung ins Ptolemäische, p. 392, no 16.
D. Kurt, Einführung ins Ptolemäische, p. 442, no 7.
In this respect, the emendation in ro x+5 is especially important: it shows that the texts were double-checked before their execution in hieroglyphs. Interestingly, this ostracon is certainly not a unicum: recently, A. Gasse (p.c., 12.11.2022, Alexandria) kindly informed us that similar pieces are to be found in the unpublished material of the Institut français d’archéologie orientale.
If our etic interpretation (§ 3.3.2) is closer than the emic to the intentions of the original author of the enigmatic composition, the scribe who transcribed the text into hieratic cannot be the original author of this text, and would therefore not be Amennakhte (v) himself.
