A. H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar (3rd rev. edn; Oxford, 1957), §383 (henceforth: GEG).
J. Černý and S. I. Groll, A Late Egyptian Grammar (3rd rev. edn; Rome, 1984), ch. 51 (henceforth: ČGLEG).
For a discussion of Earlier Egyptian examples, see S. Uljas, 'A Note on Prononimal Resumption in Earlier Egyptian Relative Clauses', this volume.
For the word rhb, a kind of vessel, see J. E. Hoch, Semitic Words in Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period (Princeton, 1994), 207 (no. 281).
On this, see Peust, Indirekte Rede, 75.
There is already a short note in CGLEG, 51.6.8, with the conclusion that i.di.f stp.f must be classified as a single unit. Earlier works on relativization in Late Egyptian include J. F. Borghouts, 'Some Remarks on Relativization in Late Egyptian', GM 31 (1979), 9-18 (esp. p. 15 and n. 24)
M. Collier, 'The Relative Clause and the Verb in Middle Egyptian', JEA 77 (1991), 23-42 (esp. n. 32).
For the date of O. DeM 554, see J. Winand, 'La grammaire au secours de la datation des textes', RdE 46 (1995), 187-202.
Cf GBG, §385. Note also the following example in which the matrix verb is not a relative form: P. Reisner II, pi. 10, G2: imj hib.fn.i hr hm.wt.f nh[m].t, ih di.i di.t(w) ø n.f'.Let him write to me about his craftsmen that have been taken away, so that I can have (them) given back to him'; cited by P. Vernus, Future at Issue: Tense, Mood and Apect in Middle Egyptian: Studies in Syntax and Semantics (YES 4; New Haven, 1990), 108.
See J. Winand, Temps et aspect en ancien égyptien: Une approche semantique (PdÄ 25; Leiden, 2006), 77.
See J. C. Darnell, 'A Stela of the Reign of Tutankhamun from the Region of Kurkur Oasis', SAK 31 (2003), 82.
Cf A. Loprieno, Ancient Egyptian: A Linguistic Introduction (Cambridge, 1995), 82, 224.
In the Future III with nominal subject, Late Egyptian sometimes displays a iw NP r sdm pattern, cf Akm. ji-NP-cturn, instead of the more common iri NP (r) sdm, cf Sah. epe-NP-e-cujrn; see J. Winand, Etudes de neo-egyptien, I: La morphologie verbale (AegLeod 2; Liege, 1992), §§771-84. Another case is the possibility of having the past converter wn after the relative nty, see J. Winand, 'Encore Ounamon 2,27-28', LingAeg 15 (2007), 302-3.
See A. I. Elanskaya, 'The T-causativa in Coptic', in D. W. Young (ed.), Studies Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky (East Gloucester MA, 1981), 80-129.
A. Stauder 'La detransitivite, voix et aspect: Le passif dans la diachronie egyptienne', PhD thesis; Basel, 2007, 562-564.
see W. C. Till, Koptische Grammatik (Sai'discher Dialekt) mit Bibliographic, Lesestiicken und Worterverzeichnissen (2nd rev. edn; Leipzig, 1961), §226.
See J. Winand, Temps et aspect (cited n. 16), 311-13 and 337-8. The difference was of course retained in the negative (bn szv hr sjm vs. bw ir.fsjm).
See J. Winand,'Les constructions analogiques du futur IIP, 47 (1996), 189-215. As E. Grossman has pointed out to me, there are some instances of a PsP in the Future III in Bohairic;
see A. Shisha-Halevy, Topics in Coptic Syntax: Structural Studies in the Bohairic Dialect (OLA 160; Leuven, 2007), 452.
See J. Winand, 'L'expression du sujet nominal au Present I en neo-egyptien', CdE 64 (1989), 159-71.
